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April 30, 2004

Kaiser Permanente follows the market

Contra Costa Times
Apr. 29, 2004
Kaiser adds deductibles to some insurance plans
By Judy Silber

Kaiser Permanente is the last large insurer to add deductibles to individual insurance plans purchased by people without coverage through work. By forcing consumers to pay for more of their care, deductibles lower monthly premiums…

“If we don’t follow the market, people will lose access to health care”, said Christine Paige, Kaiser’s senior vice president of marketing. “We have members who have been here their entire lives. We don’t want to abandon them as the market changes.”

Kaiser has set its deductibles relatively low compared with what’s offered by other insurers. Other insurers offer plans with deductibles as high as $5,000. But Kaiser’s deductible will be $1,500 for individuals, $1,000 or less for small employers and $1,000 initially for large firms.

But Karen Pollitz, a senior health policy researcher at the Health Policy Institute at Georgetown University, noted that deductibles contradict Kaiser’s mission of removing — rather than erecting — barriers to care.

“It’s too bad because Kaiser wrote the book on managing health care and disease,” Pollitz said. “I think they just made their task a lot harder.”

For people who don’t visit the doctor often, deductibles can lower overall out-of-pocket costs by decreasing the amount paid for monthly premiums.

But for those in need of care, deductibles add to their cost burden. Pollitz worries that will discourage people, especially those with chronic diseases, from seeking care.

Kaiser felt pressure to offer the deductible plans because it was losing members, Paige said. They (high-deductible plans) are an industry standard for the individual market, and employers are increasingly considering them as an option to stabilize premiums.

http://www.contracostatimes.com/mld/cctimes/business/8547735.htm

Comment: Rather than addressing health care costs, insurers and purchasers have narrowed their attention to the price of health insurance premiums in order to make health insurance affordable. The tragedy is that, as health insurance plans become more affordable, health care is becoming much less affordable for precisely those individuals with significant health care needs because of the dramatic increases in out-of-pocket expenses that they are facing.

Kaiser Permanente did not have much choice. Their competitors, especially Blue Cross and Blue Shield, have dominated the market with low-premium,high-deductible plans. Individuals with significant needs were selecting Kaiser because of its comprehensive coverage. By concentrating high-cost patients within their plans, Kaiser was faced with the prospect of driving premiums up even further and then losing market share because of unaffordable premiums (the “death spiral” of insurance premiums). Using standard market principles, they were forced to offer a competitive-market insurance product.

The marketplace, by making health plans affordable, has made health care unaffordable for those who need it. The unintentionally perverse, amoral nature of market dynamics has established the principle that the marketplace is not the proper environment to guide the financing of health care.

In sharp contrast, a universal program of social insurance would ensure that health care would be affordable for all who are in need. Isn’t that what we should be striving for?

April 29, 2004

Canada's Health Minister shifts and sides with the people

The Globe and Mail
April 29, 2004
Pettigrew clarifies health-care statements
By Campbell Clark and Brian Laghi

AND

Calgary Herald
April 29, 2004
From good to bad in hours
By Tom Olsen

Health Minister Pierre Pettigrew backtracked yesterday from his statements about allowing private health-care delivery…

Canada’s Health Minister Pierre Pettigrew:

“Unfortunately, I now realize that I have left the impression that I favour increased private delivery within the public health system. That was in no way my intent, nor is that the intent of the Government of Canada.

“To put it as plainly as I can, the ambition of the federal government is not to encourage private delivery even within the terms of the Canada Health Act. Quite the contrary, our ambition is to expand public delivery because, as Roy Romanow said it very well, public delivery provides Canadians with the best system possible.”

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/TPStory/LAC/20040429/HEALTH29/TPHealth/

http://www.canada.com/calgary/calgaryherald/news/story.html?id=84d78fc4-0220-4ad5-aa0f-8f7b38c34cd7

Comment: Some construed yesterday’s message as an attack on the profits that can be realized in the health care delivery system. In my comment, I referred to “the perverse incentives created by including for-profit corporations and their passive investors in the health care delivery system.”

In discussing the problems with for-profit corporations, the operative term is not “profit” but rather “investor-owned corporations.” Profits are just as essential in health care as they are in any other sector of our economy. But the primary mission of health care providers should be to deliver the best possible health care services and products while retaining a fair profit.

The primary responsibility of a board of directors of an investor-owned corporation is to provide maximum shareholder value through stock appreciation and distributed dividends. And boards of for-profit corporations frequently reward themselves with significant ownership. This clear conflict of interest between shareholders and patients leads to a health care delivery system that, as Mme. Desjarlais indicated, is “more costly, less efficient and even more dangerous to patient care than the regular public system.”

It is a relief to see that Health Minister Pettigrew now sees that the Canadian citizens are quite serious when they say that they want a health care system dedicated to patients rather than investors.

April 28, 2004

Canada's health minister supports privatization

The StarPhoenix (Saskatoon)
April 28, 2004
Ottawa opens up medicare
By Mark Kennedy

The federal government will not stand in the way of provinces that want to “experiment” with medicare by hiring for-profit private companies to deliver medical services within the publicly funded system, says Health Minister Pierre Pettigrew.

The declaration came Tuesday after an appearance before a House of Commons committee, where Pettigrew was grilled by MPs over his government’s commitment to enforcing the Canada Health Act and to allowing more privatization.

Pettigrew was remarkably blunt in his responses to MPs, providing what was likely the most direct statement in recent years by a federal health minister about private-sector delivery of medicare.

“Public administration is the principle, not public ownership. There’s a difference between public ownership and public administration.”

At the committee, New Democrat MP Bev Desjarlais pushed Pettigrew for a clear answer on whether the Liberal government will stop the growing trend of provinces using private firms to deliver medicare to patients.

But Pettigrew repeatedly stressed that the Canada Health Act does not forbid this.

It was also a hot political topic that Roy Romanow addressed in his royal commission report on health care two years ago. He warned about the “potential risks to the integrity and viability of our health-care system that might result from an expanded role for private providers.”

In a heated exchange Tuesday, Desjarlais told Pettigrew he is supporting the use of taxpayers’ dollars to help for-profit health companies — even though many studies have shown they are more costly, less efficient and even more dangerous to patient care than the regular public system.

“There needs to be a real outright honesty with Canadians,” she said. “The government should just come out and say, ‘We are going to promote for-profit health-care service delivery.’ “

Clearly angry by the charge, Pettigrew shot back: “You choose your words, and I’ll choose mine Mrs. Desjarlais. I have been making my position very clear and I am as honest with Canadians as you are. I know you like to be virtuous. I like to be very frank and honest as well.”

http://www.canada.com/saskatoon/starphoenix/story.asp?id=9D3D1B4E-2D2D-430E-AB6D-2C457D42A7B1

Comment: Two major themes permeate our health care reform efforts in the United States. Of greater importance, we clearly see the need to establish a method of financing health care that will enable access to affordable, comprehensive care for everyone. We believe that the single payer model of universal social insurance would be the most effective. The other issue that we address is the perverse incentives created by including for-profit corporations and their passive investors in the health care delivery system. As Mrs. Desjarlais indicated, “many studies have shown they are more costly, less efficient and even more dangerous to patient care than the regular public system.”

Our first task will be to establish an equitable, publicly funded and publicly administered, universal health insurance program. Then we can tackle the much more difficult problem of misuse of our resources that is designed to benefit investors.

Canada has already accomplished both of our goals, although there is still more for them to do. But it would be tragic if Canadian politics were effective in rejecting the “virtuous” in favor regressing to “frank” for-profit health-care service delivery.

Toward Openness in Drug Purchases

Toward Openness in Drug Purchases
April 28, 2004
The New York Times

The veil of secrecy that shrouds the operations of the middleman companies that manage drug benefits for tens of millions of Americans was lifted a bit this week when the nation’s largest manager of pharmacy benefits agreed to greater transparency. If the settlement reached by that company, Medco Health Solutions, and litigators representing 20 states and the federal government becomes common practice, it may ease suspicions that the companies managing benefits make deals that favor their own financial interests rather than those of the patients or the health plans they serve.

In theory, the middleman companies are supposed to keep drug prices low by negotiating favorable deals with pharmaceutical manufacturers and passing on the savings to health plans, employers and other clients. But lawsuits filed by 20 states and the United States attorney in Philadelphia alleged that Medco had sometimes made deals to benefit itself and failed to pass on sufficient savings to its customers. Indeed, the suits contended that Medco, in return for higher rebates from manufacturers, had sometimes persuaded doctors to change patients’ prescriptions in ways that had actually increased the costs for the patients and their health plans. Medco was accused of pocketing a lot of the rebate money and failing to tell clients it had done so.

Without admitting any wrongdoing, Medco has agreed to pay a modest cash settlement and, more important, to change its business practices. The settlement prohibits Medco from seeking to switch drugs if the net result would be higher costs for the patients or the drug plans. Medco will also reveal to prescribers and their patients any financial incentives it receives for switching drugs. These and other requirements could help rein in these largely unregulated companies as they assume a major role in administering the new Medicare prescription drug benefit.

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

Prescription Drugs

Daily Health Policy Report
[Apr 22, 2004]

Prescription Drugs | Sen. Dayton Criticizes Action by FDA To Stop Busload of Seniors Who Purchased Medicines in Canada

In a letter to FDA Commissioner Lester Crawford, Sen. Mark Dayton (D-Minn.) on Wednesday criticized FDA’s inspection last fall of a bus of seniors returning from a trip to a Winnipeg, Canada pharmacy to buy prescription drugs, the Minneapolis Star Tribune reports. On Oct. 22, FDA agents boarded the “Rx Express” bus as it returned to Minnesota and inspected medicines that passengers had purchased in Canada (Diaz, Minneapolis Star Tribune, 4/22). After a “cursory review,” FDA agents decided that the drugs could be imported and did not seize any of the products, John Taylor, FDA associate commissioner, said. FDA permits the importation of prescription drugs for personal use, though the practice is technically illegal. The U.S. Customs Service requested the inspection, according to Taylor (Frommer, AP/Philadelphia Inquirer, 4/22). In his letter to Crawford, Dayton wrote, “Until the FDA action, those trips were unimpeded by Customs or other federal officials,” adding that the inspection “was extremely stressful to some of the elderly riders and has caused alarm among prospective riders” (Minneapolis Star Tribune, 4/22). Dayton donates his entire Senate salary to finance bus trips between Minnesota and Canada, during which riders can purchase medicines in Canada, where they often cost less than in the United States. In his letter, Dayton, who only recently became aware of the incident, asked FDA officials whether the inspection was “the beginning of a new practice of harassment and intimidation against elderly citizens who are traveling themselves to Canada to make their prescription drug purchases.” Taylor said that the inspection was “an unusual event,” adding, “This is not consistent with our current practice. I would not expect it to happen again” (AP/Philadelphia Inquirer, 4/22)

Click here to view this article at Kaisernetwork.org.

Can we afford not to insure the uninsured?

Can we afford not to insure the uninsured?
ARNOLD BIRENBAUM
(Original publication: March 8, 2004)

The Journal News
The online information source for Westchester, Rockland, and Putnam

(The writer, a Larchmont resident, is a professor of pediatrics at Albert Einstein College of Medicine, Bronx.)

Sen. Bill Frist, U.S. Senate majority leader and a thoracic surgeon, recently predicted that many of the 43 million in America without insurance will remain uninsured. Dr. Frist believes that it is too expensive for the government to cover the entire population of the United States, particularly following the new expansion of Medicare-based drug benefits, the creation of financial incentives for managed-care plans to enroll senior citizens, and the taxes lost through the promotion of health savings accounts.

As a man with religious faith in the free market, he has seen a rosy future, but it does not work for the uninsured.

Other public leaders with less of a will to believe have seen further and call for action now with regard to the uninsured. In January, the Institute of Medicine, one of three congressionally chartered national academies functioning since 1970 as an adviser to the federal government, issued “Insuring America’s Health: Principles and Recommendations,” the last in a series of five reports on uninsurance β€” a social condition resulting from the rising cost of health care and increased family stress, as well as the individual health risks of having one out of seven Americans without insurance. These well-crafted studies and their recommendations were subject to review by national experts.

The status quo second, even third-class status for the uninsured is an unsustainable option for our society. What we see now are the lowlights of our health-care system.

People without insurance find private insurance unaffordable and put off necessary visits to the doctor. While they may be young and relatively healthy, they sometimes, like most of the insured, need access to care. Additionally, the uninsured do not seek preventive care or screening for disease. When hospitalized, those without insurance may not receive all the tests that the insured get.

Clearly, the quality of care of the uninsured does not match that received by those with private or public insurance.

The presence of uninsured patients in the health-care system is now more than ever destabilizing since cross-funding is no longer available. Private insurance payments became less generous when medicine entered the era of managed care. Inpatient and outpatient providers had to offer deep discounts to gain contracts from insurance plans. Thinner margins made charity care less possible.

Consequently, there is a personal and societal price for lack of access. The authors of “Insuring America’s Health” estimate that the cost of poorer health and shorter lives is somewhere between $65 billion and $130 billion, a bill that comes due down the road. Some of this extraordinary cost is the result of discontinuities in coverage β€” gaps that arise when workers lose their coverage when they become unemployed or beneficiaries are removed from state Medicaid rolls.

Other countries do more with less money. Most of the advanced industrial nations to which the United States is compared have universal coverage, either through a social insurance system or progressive taxation. Currently, the United States spends almost 14 percent of its gross domestic product on health care, and that is expected to increase by 2013 to more than 18 percent! No other country comes close to this share of GDP.

How long can we afford to ignore the conclusion that these costs are unsustainable in the long run?

And, by all standard public-health measures (e.g., infant mortality, life expectancy), these systems of financing found in Canada, Great Britain, France or Japan, to name but a few countries, do just as well as we do, or better. Continuity of coverage means better access to health care. Changing jobs or losing jobs does not mean that a German citizen, for example, has to go without health insurance and access to care.

Our country, unlike other advanced societies, does not have in place safety nets that generate cost benefits to society as well as to its citizens. There is no universal entitlement to health-insurance coverage in the United States. The recent recession has led more employers to eliminate health-care benefits for their employees and/or their dependents. This trend will only lead to more churning and reduced access to needed care.

There are long-run savings from universalizing coverage, even with subsidies for low-income workers. Otherwise, we will pay for the neglect of the health care of the growing number the uninsured in coming decades.

What kind of a future is that, Senator? Shall the last to gain insight into our predicament be the Frist?

April 27, 2004

Employers are using HSAs to shift higher deductibles to employees

USA TODAY
April 26, 2004
Out of pocket costs may soar
By Julie Appleby

Sharply higher health insurance deductibles may hit workers in the next two years as employers embrace newly created tax-free Health Savings Accounts (HSAs).

Nearly three-quarters (73%) of employers asked by Mercer Human Resource Consulting said they were likely to offer the new accounts to their workers by 2006, according to a survey to be released this week.

“We’re looking at a major market change,” says Linda Havlin, Mercer’s Midwest health care practice leader, noting that a 73% interest in adopting a new program within two years “is unprecedented.”

(HSAs) must be coupled with insurance policies with annual deductibles of at least $1,000 for individuals and $2,000 for families. Widespread adoption of the plans could drive up the average annual deductible paid by workers, which is now about $300 for single employees and $600 for families, according to data from Mercer and the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Mercer’s survey of 991 employers found that 61% would set the individual annual deductible for an HSA plan at $1,000. But 17% chose $1,500, 11% said $2,000 and 10% were above $2,000.

Don’t expect employers to pay that deductible: The Mercer study also found that 39% would not put any money into the savings accounts for workers, while 24% would put in $500 a year, leaving it up to the workers to fund the rest.

http://www.usatoday.com/money/industries/health/2004-04-25-hsas_x.htm

Comment: It certainly did not take long to expose the real reason behind the HSA provisions in the Medicare bill. Now that HSAs are here, health care costs are being shifted from insurers and from employers who sponsor plans to the patients who need health care services. The HSAs were merely an excuse to shift to high deductible coverage. The HSAs themselves have very limited benefit for moderate and low income individuals since many do not have the resources to fund these accounts, and they wouldn’t receive nearly the tax benefit, if any, that higher income individuals would.

Health policy analysts should take note of the “unprecedented” interest of employers in adopting HSAs. Although it is understandable why employers want to escape the rising costs, their decision to shift these costs to their employees is a clear signal that it is time to end our national policies that have favored employer-sponsored coverage. Control should no longer be left with employers.

A vastly superior alternative is for all of us to assume control by adopting our own universal program of social insurance. We’ll design our program so that it will ensure financial security for everyone when faced with health care needs. We’re already paying more than enough for such a system. We’re entitled to have it.

April 26, 2004

Insurance status used in triage decisions

The Washington Post
April 26, 2004
Some Finding No Room at the ER
Screening Out Non-Urgent Cases Stirs Controversy
By Ceci Connolly

University of Colorado Hospital is leading the way on a controversial solution — weeding out the people with bumps and scrapes so it can devote more time and resources to serious, life-threatening traumas and, also, to paying customers.

Under the new policy, University hospital demands partial payment up front from non-emergency patients who seek treatment in the ER. For some, including Medicare and Medicaid beneficiaries, the fee is a small cash co-payment; insurance pays the rest. For the uninsured, however, the charge can be a few hundred dollars — money many don’t have. So they leave, toting a list of low-cost clinics in the area.

But the desire to redirect minor cases to more appropriate treatment facilities only goes so far. In a perversion of the system, insured patients are welcome to stay, no matter how trivial the problem.

Many in the community say they would not have an issue with triaging patients out of the ER if University could make them appointments at a more appropriate facility, as the city-funded Denver Health does.

“We do over-utilize our emergency rooms”, said Lorez Meinhold, executive director of the Colorado Consumer Health Initiative. “But a piece of paper listing local clinics is not access to care.”

“It’s an incredibly mean, nasty time to be in medicine”, said Mark Earnest, a general internist at University and vice president of the Colorado Coalition for the Medically Underserved. “There is not a consensus on how we are going to take care of people, and the result is everybody having to worry about their own survival”.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A41995-2004Apr25.html

Comment: Triage is an absolutely essential, fundamental function of
emergency rooms. A properly functioning emergency room will have triage decisions based strictly on medical need, and it will provide an accessible pathway based on that need.

But when an individual’s insurance status becomes a part of the triage equation, we realize just how perverse our system of financing health care has become. Allowing insured patients to elect to receive unwarranted, excessive services is wasteful of our resources, while sending an uninsured patient away without adequate access to affordable care is an inequitable underutilization of these same resources. Equipping emergency rooms with a one-way back door to the alley is not an adequate solution for the uninsured.

If everyone had comprehensive insurance coverage, then triage decisions could be made strictly on the basis of medical need. With a rational system of financing care, we would certainly still have many challenges in our efforts to reform health care. But without a rational system of funding, we can’t even have dreams of moving closer to a health care Utopia.

Health care system needs doctoring

Atlanta Journal Constitution
Editorial
Health care system needs doctoring
Published on: 04/24/04

The American health care system is in some ways like the Titanic. It is big and luxurious and a showplace for the last word in technology. It is committed to its clientele, especially those in the upper decks. Many of the people bidding the ocean liner farewell from the shore wish that they could come aboard, but even though they work hard, sometimes holding down two jobs at a time, they just can’t afford it.

Our titanic medical delivery system is the envy of the world, embraced and patronized by kings and potentates. Surely its future is guaranteed.

Or is it?

Critics of our $1.6 trillion health care industry warn of real trouble ahead. We spend more per capita than any nation in the world, yet the CIA World Fact Book rates us 48th in life expectancy, compared to 11th for neighboring Canada. We annually squander some $135 billion in lost productivity due to illness, much of it preventable, and an estimated 15 percent of our population β€” some 43.6 million people β€” lived without health insurance for all of 2002. According to Census Bureau figures, 25.6 million of those without insurance worked either part time or full time.

But the truly big iceberg looming dead ahead is the rising cost of health care, including prescription drugs and hospital care. That is driving some employers to drop job-related health insurance, and is putting others at a serious disadvantage with foreign competitors that do not have to cover health insurance costs for their employees.

In the fierce, globally competitive auto industry, for instance, accountants estimate that health insurance costs for U.S. manufacturers add $1,300 to the price of each vehicle, even more than the cost of steel. European manufacturers, in contrast, often benefit from government health insurance plans that keep companies off the hook. The lure of avoiding health insurance costs also helps account for the outsourcing of jobs overseas.

Technology also poses a threat to the current U.S. health care system. Genetic research, for example, may soon identify which of us are prone to certain diseases, thereby making preventive care possible. But it will also help insurance companies identify which of us are at higher risk of illnesses that threaten to be chronic and even catastrophic, allowing the companies to deny coverage for those people. After all, as one traditional insurance source put it, “We are not in the habit of insuring burning houses.”

A decade ago, the Clinton administration made a well-intended but poorly handled bid to introduce universal, single-payer coverage, an effort that ended in political disaster for Democrats and took the issue off the national agenda. The passage of time, however, has only confirmed the initial attractions of that approach. In a lengthy piece in the April 18 New York Times Sunday Magazine, former first lady Hillary Clinton, now a U.S. senator from New York, argues for an overall system that pools risk and directs funds to a comprehensive plan that takes care of health needs and focuses on health maintenance.

Such a plan could focus on efficiencies of delivery and mandate research on illnesses that are neglected because the numbers of the sick are small” for instance, serious diseases such as epilepsy and killers such as scleroderma. A managed health care program could also guide and finance research into overarching health problems such as asthma and other pulmonary diseases.

Inevitably, a single-payer system would create challenges of its own, and may not be the ultimate answer. But the business community that bitterly opposed the concept a decade ago is now beginning to see financial merits in the approach. Doctors, hospitals and patients struggling to deal with an ever-more complex private insurance scheme may prove more open to the idea as well. And the inescapable truth is that for all of its technology and know-how, the United States gets less cure for its health care buck than any other highly advanced nation.

Surely that’s sufficient cause to rethink what we’ve been doing.

LIFE EXPECTANCY

The United States ranks 48th out of 225 countries surveyed.

April 25, 2004

National health care to be discussed

National health care to be discussed
Herald Staff Report
April 21, 2004

A free public teach-in on a single-payer national health-care system will be presented from 6:30 to 9 p.m. Wednesday, May 5, in 130 Noble Hall at Fort Lewis College.

“Recent polls have revealed that most Americans favor a system of national nonprofit insurance to finance care by doctors in private practice for every man, woman and child in the country,” said Ray Parker, a local supporter of a single-payer health system, in a news release.

The teach-in is part of a nationwide observance of “Cover the Uninsured Week, May 10-16, designed to draw attention to the nearly 44 million Americans who have no health insurance. Former presidents Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford are honorary co-chairmen.

Dr. Donald Bader, head of Mercy Medical Center’s emergency staff, will be the featured speaker. He will present a slide show explaining how the system would work and why it has been adopted in various forms by other industrialized nations.

A panel of experts will then join Bader onstage with volunteer moderator Marsha Porter-Norton. Audience members will be invited to ask questions and offer comments.

The experts from various health organizations include:

• Betty Lyerle, professor emeritus of sociology and human services at Fort Lewis College.

• Lynn Westberg, director of San Juan Basin Health.

• Jim Tatten, director of state advocacy for Catholic Health Initiatives, which operates 17 hospitals nationwide, including Mercy.

• Bern Heath, president/chief executive officer of Southwest Colorado Mental Health Center, which serves Archuleta, Dolores, La Plata, Montezuma and San Juan counties.

The teach-in will be co-sponsored by the local Citizens for Single Payer Health Care and the League of Women Voters of La Plata County.

Click here to read the article at DurangoHerald.com.

April 23, 2004

Commission to Allow Insurance Cuts for Retired Employees

By ROBERT PEAR
Published: April 23, 2004
The New York Times

WASHINGTON, April 22 — The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission voted Thursday to allow employers to reduce or eliminate health benefits for retirees when they become eligible for Medicare at age 65.

The agency approved a final rule saying that such cuts do not violate the civil rights law banning age discrimination. The vote was 3 to 1, with Republicans lining up in favor of the rule and a Democrat opposing it.

Employers and some labor unions supported the change, saying it would help preserve coverage for early retirees. But AARP, which represents millions of Americans age 50 and older, strenuously objected.

The new rule creates a potentially explosive political issue, because it will create anxiety for many of the 12 million Medicare beneficiaries who also receive health benefits from their former employers.

“We are aware of the anxieties and misperceptions that have taken root,” said Cari M. Dominguez, chairwoman of the commission, which was deluged with letters opposing the rule from more than 50,000 AARP members.

Employer-sponsored health plans help retirees pay medical expenses not covered by Medicare. Those expenses could include co-payments and deductibles, the catastrophic costs of severe illness and the cost of preventive care and prescription drugs, beyond what Medicare might pay.

Debate over the rule highlights the tradeoffs employers make as they decide what benefits, if any, to provide workers and retirees at a time when health care is gobbling up a growing share of total compensation.

The rule creates an explicit exemption to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967. In practice, it allows employers to reduce health benefits for retirees when they become eligible for Medicare at the age of 65.

A federal appeals court ruled in 2000 that such age-based distinctions were unlawful.

No law requires employers to provide health benefits to workers or retirees. Employers can legally provide benefits to active workers and not to retirees. Courts have said that if an employer provides benefits, it cannot discriminate among retirees on the basis of age.

But the commission said that under the age discrimination act it had authority to make “reasonable exemptions” to the law in the public interest. The law does not define “reasonable.”

Leslie E. Silverman, a member of the commission, said the appeals court decision had confronted employers with an all-or-nothing choice: “Give all of your retirees the exact same benefits, which is incredibly difficult, or eliminate your retiree health benefits altogether.”

Several commission members said that employers were more likely to continue providing health benefits to retirees under 65 if they were allowed to reduce or eliminate benefits for those 65 and older.

A preamble to the final rule says it “is not intended to encourage employers to eliminate any retiree health benefits they may currently provide.”

But Michele Pollak, a lawyer at AARP, said that might well occur.

“This rule will allow employers to reduce or eliminate retiree health benefits for anyone over the age of 65,” Ms. Pollak said. “More than 12 million Medicare beneficiaries currently receive retiree health benefits from employers and could potentially be affected.”

Ms. Pollak said the commission did not have authority to create such an exemption. Ms. Dominguez insisted that it did, though she said the power was rarely used.

Paul W. Dennett, vice president of the American Benefits Council, a trade group for large employers, welcomed the rule, saying, “It removes a cloud that has been hanging over retiree health coverage since the court decision in 2000.”

The American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association also supported the rule. School employees often retire early and rely on employer-provided health benefits until they become eligible for Medicare.

Alfred Campos, a lobbyist for the National Education Association, praised the rule, saying, “It will encourage school districts to continue providing health insurance to retired teachers under 65.”

Stuart J. Ishimaru, who cast the only no vote, said: “I came to the commission as a civil rights lawyer. Before making an exemption to a major civil rights law, you need a compelling reason, which I have not seen.”

The proper role of the commission, Mr. Ishimaru said, is not to make health policy, but to protect people from discrimination.

The rule is subject to comment by other federal agencies, and it will be reviewed by the Office of Management and Budget. But it is within the jurisdiction of the employment commission and is expected to stand.

The rule reverses a position that the commission took in the court case and in a national policy statement issued in October 2000.

Under the rule, employers can coordinate retiree health benefits with Medicare.

“For example,” the commission said, “in order to ensure that all retirees have access to some health care coverage, employers and unions may provide retiree health coverage to only those retirees who are not yet eligible for Medicare. They also may supplement a retiree’s Medicare coverage without having to demonstrate that the coverage is identical to that of non-Medicare eligible retirees.”

Opponents could challenge the rule in court. AARP said it would “explore a range of different steps, including litigation,” to block the rule if it is not changed.

Congress considered the issue in debating Medicare legislation last year. The Senate version of the Medicare bill included a provision similar to the commission’s rule, but it was dropped from the measure ultimately signed by President Bush.

AARP insisted on elimination of that provision before it announced its support for the bill in November. That endorsement played a critical role in passage of the measure.

In recent years, many employers have reduced health benefits for retirees, in part because of soaring health costs.

Employers said that uncertainty caused by the court decision, involving retired government workers in Erie County, Pa., would accelerate the erosion of retiree health benefits if the commission did not take action.

EEOC approves age discrimination in health care

U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
April 22, 2004
EEOC Approves Proposal to Exempt Retiree Health Plans from Age Discrimination in Employment Act

During a public meeting today, the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) voted to approve a proposed final rule that would permit employers, under the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA), to lawfully coordinate retiree health benefit plans with eligibility for Medicare or a comparable state-sponsored health benefit. This common and long-standing employer practice was called into question in 2000, when the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit (Erie County Retirees Association v. County of Erie) held that the federal statute requires employers to assure that pre- and post- Medicare eligible retirees receive health benefits of equal type and value.

http://www.eeoc.gov/press/4-22-04a.html

The New York Times
April 23, 2004
Commission to Allow Insurance Cuts for Retired Employees
By Robert Pear

The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission voted Thursday to allow employers to reduce or eliminate health benefits for retirees when they become eligible for Medicare at age 65.

The agency approved a final rule saying that such cuts do not violate the civil rights law banning age discrimination.

“This rule will allow employers to reduce or eliminate retiree health benefits for anyone over the age of 65,” (Michele Pollak, a lawyer at AARP) said. “More than 12 million Medicare beneficiaries currently receive retiree health benefits from employers and could potentially be affected.”

Alfred Campos, a lobbyist for the National Education Association, praised the rule, saying, “It will encourage school districts to continue providing health insurance to retired teachers under 65.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2004/04/23/politics/23RETI.html?hp

Comment: Relaxing the age discrimination rules for retirement health plans threatens programs that expand benefits for retirees on Medicare. On the other hand, relaxation of the rules provides financial relief for employers who provide benefits to retired employees not yet eligible for Medicare, by eliminating the age discrimination rules once they are eligible for Medicare. Are we really reduced to choices in deciding who gets the shaft?

What we do need is better benefits for Medicare beneficiaries, and for everyone else as well. The 15.5% of our GDP that we are spending on health care would fund comprehensive benefits for everyone. Instead of moving backwards by enabling age discrimination in health care, let’s move forward by adopting an equitable, comprehensive program for everyone.

Note: If the above New York Times link does not take you straight to the article, you may view the text under ‘Recent Articles of Interest’.

April 19, 2004

HCA's epiphany?

HCA (Hospital Corporation of America)
Press Release
April 14, 2004
HCA Previews First Quarter Results

Jack O. Bovender, Jr., HCA Chairman and CEO:

“As I have commented on many occasions over the past two years, the most significant challenge the hospital industry faces is the growing numbers of uninsured and under-insured in this country. Hospitals have become the ultimate safety net for health care services for the vast majority of America’s more than 44 million uninsured. Unfortunately, this is a cost the hospital industry is increasingly bearing alone. It is time for all sectors of society, both public and private, health care and non-health care, to participate in solving this societal issue, by providing affordable health insurance for all Americans and more equitably sharing this growing cost to society.”

http://ir.thomsonfn.com/InvestorRelations/PubNewsStory.aspx?partner=8847&storyId=111472

Comment: Some may question the motivation behind this comment by the CEO of the nation’s largest hospital company. Supporting an equitable system of health insurance for all Americans is certainly self-serving for the hospital industry. But wouldn’t it also be self-serving for all of us?

As founders and major shareholders in HCA, hopefully Sen. Frist’s family will listen to their CEO. Enacting a program of health insurance that is universal, equitable, and affordable certainly limits the possibilities for reform. Sen. Frist should discard some of his bad ideas and begin working on reform that benefits us all.

April 16, 2004

Cure for health woes: National Insurance

USA Today, April 16, 2004
Letters
Cure for health woes: National insurance

USA TODAY’s article, ‘Hospital bills spin out of control,’ raises the question: What control? America doesn’t have a health care system; it has a non-system with no public accountability (Cover story, News, Tuesday).

The hospital-funding system is a jobs program for an army of paper pushers. Some hospitals report that they employ more administrative staff than caregivers. Most of these bureaucrats chase the money needed to keep hospitals open. This unstable financing system is unfair to the 43 million Americans with no insurance. Health care bills, often disguised as credit card debt, are the top reason for personal bankruptcy, according to a 2000 study. Still, these bills are paid. It’s the main job of the health bureaucracy: shifting costs to those with insurance.

Our nation suffers a higher rate of death, disability and lost productivity because we fail to provide national health insurance. Every other industrial democracy manages to cover all of its citizens at half the cost with comparable or better quality. Each has accountability within the programs, unlike our byzantine mess of private insurers.

Improved Medicare for all Americans, not just those over age 65, could replace our inefficient system of multiple private insurers. The administrative savings and simplicity of a single-payer system would allow comprehensive coverage for all, with no new spending. National health insurance will save lives and money. It is the right thing to do.

Johnathon S. Ross, MD
Past President
Physicians for a National Health Program
Toledo, Ohio

Government-funded stop-loss?

Southwest Nebraska News
4/14/2004
Nelson Unveils Proposal to Expand Insurance Coverage, Lower Health Care Premiums

With health care costs spiraling and the number of uninsured expanding, Nebraska’s Senator Ben Nelson today unveiled a plan to reduce health care premiums so that more Americans can purchase and retain health insurance.

The Nelson plan would:

Create a federal “backstop” to provide coverage for catastrophic claims, with the insurer paying noncatastrophic claims up to a certain cost. This is known as “stop-loss coverage” and provides a dollar limit to the insurer’s exposure to either an individual claim or aggregate multiple claims.

Require the insurer to reduce premiums if they want to participate in the program.

Create a certification process by which insurance companies could be reimbursed for these catastrophic costs. The proposal allows for flexibility as insurees would continue to work through their insurance companies, but also requires accountability from the insurance companies.

The benefit of only having to pay premiums for noncatastrophic coverage is that it is predictable-the insurer knows in advance what the maximum claim amount per person will be.

http://www.swnebr.net/newspaper/cgi-bin/articles/articlearchiver.pl?155723

John Kerry for President
John Kerry’s Plan to Make Health Care Affordable to Every American

(1) Creating a new approach to control spiraling health care costs - and passing the savings on to workers

John Kerry believes that health care is becoming too expensive. He has a proposal for a new ‘premium rebate’ pool that will make health care more affordable for all employers and employees by helping out with certain high cost health cases. Under this proposal the pool would reimburse employee health plans for 75 percent of the catastrophic costs they incur above $50,000 as long as they guarantee such savings are used to reduce the cost of workers’ premiums. Helping out with catastrophic costs would strengthen the employer-based market by making health care more affordable for purchasers.

http://www.johnkerry.com/pdf/kerry_health_plan.pdf

Comment: There is bipartisan support for providing government subsidies for stop-loss coverage of catastrophic medical events. The intent is to keep health insurance premiums affordable, thereby protecting our current system heavily dependent on private employer-sponsored and individual health insurance plans. Since almost everyone is concerned about affordability of health care, this seems like a very reasonable approach. But there are serious problems with it.

This solution addresses only insurance premium prices. It does absolutely nothing to control the actual health care costs, which would continue to escalate well beyond the rate of inflation. In fact, by turning attention to premium prices, there is significant risk that true cost escalation will continue to be ignored. We’ll all be paying much more, but the catastrophic subsidies will make these increases less visible.

This program also will compound the problems of the administrative waste which currently plagues our system. We would have a new layer of complex accounting which would be required to establish eligibility for the catastrophic funding. Each insurer currently establishes their own reimbursement rules based on provider lists, allowed services, fee schedules, tiering of coverage and other specifications. A national stop-loss program would have a different set of criteria for establishing when the catastrophic deductible kicks in. Obviously this will add further to the costs and wastes of our current administrative nightmare.

And surely the national catastrophic insurance would have its own version of allowed charges. The disallowed charges would not be paid by patients, norby the health plans, but the losses would be absorbed by the health care providers. We do need cost containment in health care, but through sound policies. This guillotine approach could threaten the solvency of the providers.

We also need to ask who this is really protecting. It’s not protecting the patient-consumer because we’ll have to bear the additional costs in the form of higher taxes. The insurance industry has been trying to escape exposureto risk as they sell us more and more administrative services. This proposal dramatically reduces their exposure by essentially eliminating the costs of catastrophic care. Routine costs are much more predictable and easily factored into the premiums. Why should we be supporting policies that protect this industry that has been a source of much of the waste and inefficiency in our current system of funding health care, while allowing them to abandon much of their traditional role of risk pooling? Instead of adopting policies that support this industry, we need policies that eliminate it.

This deceptively attractive proposal will increase administrative waste, fail to control cost escalation, and protect the insurance industry, at a greater financial cost to all of us. Let’s reject this highly flawed concept and, instead, base reform on truly sound health policy.

April 15, 2004

Does Big Government Hurt Economic Growth?

By JEFF MADRICK
Published: April 15, 2004

In widely reported comments before a Congressional committee in February, Alan Greenspan, the Federal Reserve chairman, suggested that President Bush’s tax cuts should not be even partly rescinded. Rather, Mr. Greenspan said, the nation should cut future domestic spending, including Social Security benefits, to balance the budget. Higher spending or higher taxes would deter economic growth, he warned.

The committee should have asked the statistically oriented chairman for the evidence. A comprehensive analysis by the economic historian Peter H. Lindert, published in a new book, “Growing Public” (Cambridge University Press), contends that there simply is none. His analysis is partly a broad extension of other studies by economists like Joel B. Slemrod of the University of Michigan, but he adds considerably to the argument.

Mr. Lindert is a professor at the University of California, Davis; former president of the Economic History Association; and an associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research. He has examined levels of taxes, public investment in education, transportation and health care, and social transfers like Social Security, and finds a stark contradiction between conventional wisdom and the evidence. “It is well known that higher taxes and transfers reduce productivity,” he writes. “Well known - but unsupported by statistics and history.”

He compares the level of social spending over nine decades up to 2000 in 19 developed nations, including most of Western Europe, Japan, Australia, the United States and Canada. His analysis differs from many studies in part because he focuses on social programs, not overall government spending.

He finds that high spending on such programs creates no statistically measurable deterrent to the growth of productivity or per capita gross domestic product. As many nations in Europe built welfare states after World War II, they continued to grow faster than the United States, a nation with low social spending.

For many people, this defies common sense. Higher taxes to support social programs surely deter investment or the willingness to work to some degree. As Mr. Lindert points out, estimates by some economists, like Martin Feldstein, a Harvard professor and president of the National Bureau of Economic Research, find that extra government spending leads to a large reduction in gross domestic product.

In fact, taken literally, these studies suggest that the gross domestic product of Sweden, to take an example of a nation with heavy social spending, should have been reduced by up to 50 percent. But nothing remotely like that has happened.

The principal problem with such studies, Mr. Lindert writes, is that they are simulations of a highly simplified world. The economists recreate an economy where almost all incentives lead to slower growth, Mr. Lindert said, but that world does not exist.

Why, then, have high levels of social spending proved no deterrent to growth in the real world? Mr. Lindert has several explanations, some of them surprising.

First, he says, the tax systems of countries with high social spending are less antigrowth than is realized because nations in Scandinavia and Continental Europe typically derive so much tax revenue from regressive consumption taxes. In fact, these nations do not penalize profits and capital investment any more than the United States or Japan does, and possibly even less.

Mr. Lindert cannot be pigeonholed as a conservative or a liberal. He says he believes that less tax on capital will promote growth. But nations with high social spending typically tax alcohol, tobacco and gasoline highly, he notes, which contributes to better health and environmental quality. Healthier workers are more productive, and cleaner air requires fewer expensive environmental regulations.

Second, he finds that social programs in nations with high welfare levels usually include everyone. Because benefits are generally not cut off as incomes grow, the disincentive to get jobs or invest is reduced.

But third, he finds, much of the public spending in these nations is also conducive to economic growth. Among such spending is that for education and health. Mr. Lindert argues firmly that under comprehensive public health programs, people are healthier and live longer, which also makes them more productive. He cites a study by the economist Zeynep Or for the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development that finds that in nations where a higher proportion of all health outlays are public, life spans are significantly increased.

Mr. Lindert also contends that higher levels of government support for child care and requirements to re-employ women after maternity leave at the same job can enhance economic growth. Business considers such workers long-term employees and is likely to invest more in their training and place them on a faster track. Workers probably expend more time and effort on their long-term careers.

The statistical probability that some women will leave work creates a bias against all women. Ample government support apparently reduces this bias. The difference between pay for men and women is higher in the United States than in most of Europe, and is especially narrow in Sweden, which provides generous child support.

This summary does not do justice to Mr. Lindert’s book. He also, for example, provides a valuable history of social spending and proposes a theory about why some nations spend more than others that is closely related to how well democracy works. This is a piece of research that is rich in insight and grounded in empirical evidence. There will be challenges. But the upshot is unmistakable. Government spending, if administered wisely, can have great value for everyone, including but not limited to the especially disadvantaged.

Jeff Madrick is the editor of Challenge Magazine, and he teaches at Cooper Union and New School University.E-mail: challenge@mesharpe.com.

Enhancing economic growth through higher taxes

The New York Times
April 15, 2004
Economic Scene
By Jeff Madrick

In widely reported comments before a Congressional committee in February, Alan Greenspan, the Federal Reserve chairman, suggested that President Bush’s tax cuts should not be even partly rescinded. Rather, Mr. Greenspan said, the nation should cut future domestic spending, including Social Security benefits, to balance the budget. Higher spending or higher taxes would deter economic growth, he warned.

The committee should have asked the statistically oriented chairman for the evidence. A comprehensive analysis by the economic historian Peter H. Lindert, published in a new book, “Growing Public” (Cambridge University Press), contends that there simply is none.

Mr. Lindert is a professor at the University of California, Davis; former president of the Economic History Association; and an associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research. He has examined levels of taxes, public investment in education, transportation and health care, and social transfers like Social Security, and finds a stark contradiction between conventional wisdom and the evidence. “It is well known that higher taxes and transfers reduce productivity,” he writes. “Well known - but unsupported by statistics and history.”

He compares the level of social spending over nine decades up to 2000 in 19 developed nations, including most of Western Europe, Japan, Australia, the United States and Canada. His analysis differs from many studies in part because he focuses on social programs, not overall government spending.

He finds that high spending on such programs creates no statistically measurable deterrent to the growth of productivity or per capita gross domestic product. As many nations in Europe built welfare states after World War II, they continued to grow faster than the United States, a nation with low social spending.

For many people, this defies common sense. Higher taxes to support social programs surely deter investment or the willingness to work to some degree. As Mr. Lindert points out, estimates by some economists, like Martin Feldstein, a Harvard professor and president of the National Bureau of Economic Research, find that extra government spending leads to a large reduction in gross domestic product.

In fact, taken literally, these studies suggest that the gross domestic product of Sweden, to take an example of a nation with heavy social spending, should have been reduced by up to 50 percent. But nothing remotely like that has happened.

The principal problem with such studies, Mr. Lindert writes, is that they are simulations of a highly simplified world. The economists recreate an economy where almost all incentives lead to slower growth, Mr. Lindert said, but that world does not exist.

Why, then, have high levels of social spending proved no deterrent to growth in the real world? Mr. Lindert has several explanations, some of them
surprising.

First, he says, the tax systems of countries with high social spending are less antigrowth than is realized because nations in Scandinavia and Continental Europe typically derive so much tax revenue from regressive consumption taxes. In fact, these nations do not penalize profits and capital investment any more than the United States or Japan does, and possibly even less.

Mr. Lindert cannot be pigeonholed as a conservative or a liberal. He says he believes that less tax on capital will promote growth. But nations with high social spending typically tax alcohol, tobacco and gasoline highly, he notes, which contributes to better health and environmental quality. Healthier workers are more productive, and cleaner air requires fewer expensive environmental regulations.

Second, he finds that social programs in nations with high welfare levels usually include everyone. Because benefits are generally not cut off as incomes grow, the disincentive to get jobs or invest is reduced.

But third, he finds, much of the public spending in these nations is also conducive to economic growth. Among such spending is that for education and health. Mr. Lindert argues firmly that under comprehensive public health programs, people are healthier and live longer, which also makes them more productive. He cites a study by the economist Zeynep Or for the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development that finds that in nations where a higher proportion of all health outlays are public, life spans are significantly increased.

This summary does not do justice to Mr. Lindert’s book. He also, for example, provides a valuable history of social spending and proposes a theory about why some nations spend more than others that is closely related to how well democracy works. This is a piece of research that is rich in insight and grounded in empirical evidence. There will be challenges. But the upshot is unmistakable. Government spending, if administered wisely, can have great value for everyone, including but not limited to the especially disadvantaged.

http://www.nytimes.com/2004/04/15/business/15scene.html

Comment: One of the arguments made against the adoption of a national health insurance program is that the increase in taxes required would deter economic growth. Implicit in that argument is that fact that our health care system, currently 15.5% of our Gross Domestic Product, somehow is not part of our economy. Tax spending on health care might deter economic growth in the private health insurance industry, but it would stimulate growth in the health care delivery system and in the health technology industries that support it. Also considerable evidence indicates that tax dollars spent on health care provide a significantly greater value in our health care purchases than when those dollars are spent through our current wasteful, fragmented system of funding care.

An equitable tax that funds equitable access to an efficient, comprehensive system of health care is a good tax, and is not a deterrent but is a stimulant to economic growth in the health care service industry. If the private sector sources of those tax revenues cannot survive in the marketplace because of the tax burden (shared by all), then perhaps it is because their product or service is not providing adequate value. Marketplaces have little sympathy for products or services without value.

Tax policies that favor health care over mediocre products and services are tax policies that we should support.

Note: If the above link does not take you straight to the article, you may view the text under “Recent Articles of Interest”.

Medicare for the young?

Workers today face the same problem the elderly did when Medicare was established.

By Register Editorial Board
04/12/2004

If you’re under 65, read this editorial.

Granted, the subject is Medicare, something that might normally make you turn the page. You might not think the program matters to you because it’s the health-care program for those 65 years old and older. Yet Medicare isn’t just about seniors. In fact, this program is really very much about you.

It’s you paying for it.

Already, the bill for Medicare is largely footed by working Americans. Payroll taxes cover Part A of Medicare, the hospital insurance. Today’s seniors’ past contributions only pay about 32 percent of the current cost of their hospital care. Seniors’ monthly premiums cover one-fourth of the cost of Medicare Part B for other health services like office visits. The rest is paid for almost entirely by general revenue dollars - dollars taken from the paychecks of working Americans.

Now the new Medicare law will result in younger Americans paying even more.

That means if you’re working, you’re paying your own health-insurance premium and subsidizing the care of those born before 1939. If you’re making minimum wage, you’re helping to subsidize Warren Buffet’s health care.

That might not seem right, but Medicare was established in 1965 because elderly Americans, who lost their employer-provided insurance on retirement, were struggling to pay for increasingly expensive health care. The only way to cover them was to spread part of the cost to everyone through taxes.

Today, it’s not just the elderly who struggle with rising health-care costs. Some 44 million have no insurance, and workers who are insured face rapidly rising premiums, deductibles and copays.

A lot of those Americans would probably opt for Medicare coverage if it were offered for the current price of about $65 a month. In fact, Medicare is similar to what most industrialized countries offer to their entire population: single-payer, government-run, taxpayer-subsidized health care.

Younger Americans should care about Medicare not just because they’re paying for it, but because it’s a potential model for a system that could benefit them.

April 14, 2004

Uncivilized responses to medical debt

Borneo Bulletin
April 14, 2004
Woman unable to pay medical bill locked up in hospital

NAIROBI (dpa) - A mother of seven has been kept locked up in a Kenyan hospital for a year because she cannot pay her medical bill, local media reported Tuesday.

The woman was admitted to a hospital in the town of Meru last April after adomestic quarrel, and shortly after gave birth to twins. As she was not able to pay the bill of 6,000 Kenyan Shillings (US$77), the hospital kept her locked up, wrote the East African Standard newspaper. A year in hospital confinement has escalated the bill to 103,000 Kenyan Shillings (US$1,300 USD), but the hospital proprietor insists the woman will not be released until the bill is cleared.

It is common in Kenya for hospitals to keep patients because they cannot pay their bills.

The government has promised to introduce a social health insurance system under which the poorest people would get free medical care, but it is unclear how the government plans to finance the scheme.

http://www.brunei-online.com/bb/wed/apr14w39.htm

Comment: Our approach to medical debt is to force many individuals intopersonal bankruptcy. Considering our great national wealth, maybe we should be almost as ashamed as should this hospital proprietor.

O Canada; Oy Vey United States

O Canada; Oy Vey United States
By David Morris, AlterNet
April 12, 2004

Four years ago Steven Pearlstein of the Washington Post wrote a long essay to end his tour as Canadian correspondent. His gloomy assessment of Canada’s future as a self-governing, independent country contained this remarkable reflection on its past.

Over the years, Canadians might have coalesced around a shared sense of history but for the fact that they have so little of it they consider worth remembering. The country never fought a revolution or a civil war, pioneered no great social or political movement, produced no great world leader and committed no memorable atrocities – as one writer put it, Canada has no Lincolns, no Gettysburgs and no Gettysburg addresses.

To which Carleton University history professor Blair Nearby responded with customary Canadian restraint, “If history is wars and confrontation and winner-take-all decisions, then we don’t have very much of that…But if you think that history can be a record of individuals arriving at decisions through consensus, negotiation or through the political system then we have a pretty long and commendable record.”

Indeed they do.

The U.S. and Canada share a common border and much else. We are alike ethnically and economically. We eat the same foods. We watch the same movies. We speak the same language. But we think and act differently. And this difference has become more and more evident in recent months.

Both the United States and Canada uncoupled from Britain. We did so rapidly and violently. Canada did so gradually and peacefully. Canada did not achieve sovereignty until 1867. One might argue that in this case haste made waste. Our initial attempt at nation building proved catastrophic. In 1861-1865, more than 600,000 Americans lost their lives in the Civil War, a greater number of deaths than occurred in all the other wars we have fought put together.

Contrary to the conventional wisdom it appears that Canadians, not Americans are more willing to innovate and take risks, at least in public policy. Consider the different strategies our two countries have embraced to provide health care to our residents.

Americans and Canadians began debating the idea of universal health care in the 1930s. On this side of the border, President Roosevelt abandoned the idea. Thirty years later President Kennedy raised the idea again only to abandon it under pressure from critics like Ronald Reagan who called it “Marxist.” Thirty years later President Clinton refused to allow national health insurance to become a part of his health care initiative. Reportedly, he and Hillary concluded it would amount to political suicide.

On the northern side of the border, Canadian provinces began creating pilot universal health care systems in the 1930s and 1940s. The insurance plans first covered hospitals and then doctors. In 1965, the entire country embraced a health care plan that was uniquely Canadian. Authority over the kinds of services provided was left in the hands of the provinces. Private hospitals and doctors, not the state, delivered the services. Patients could choose their doctor. The system was non-profit. A single insurance company paid the bills.

At the time Canada embraced national health insurance it was spending about the same percentage of its budget on health care as the U.S. Today it spends a third less. And while all Canadians are covered, in the U.S. some 45 million Americans lack health insurance.

National health insurance allows Canadians greater freedom and latitude to plan their lives. No one in Canada takes a job or remains in a job because of its health benefits. Canadians do not strike over lack of health coverage.

By not tying health insurance to the job, Canadian businesses have become more competitive. In the U.S., automakers spend about $1,200 per car on health insurance. In Canada, the cost is about $120 per car. In November 2002, officials from Ford, GM and DaimlerChrysler wrote Canadian policymakers urging them to maintain and strengthen their national health system. “The public health system significantly reduces total labor costs…compared to the cost of equivalent private health insurance services purchased by U.S.-based automakers.”

Needless to say, the car companies did not send a similar letter to American policy makers.

Canadians make different decisions than we do about the importance of privacy and public access. In the U.S., life can be patented. Last year the Canadian Supreme Court ruled that in Canada it cannot. Life is not property north of the border.

Last month a Canadian federal judge ruled that the sharing of music via the Internet isn’t theft and doesn’t violate copyright laws. The same day the judge handed down that decision, the U.S. House judiciary committee approved the Piracy Deterrence and Education Act of 2004. The Act imposes fines of up to $250,000 and three years jail time for anyone sharing music.

In 1969, Canada liberalized its abortion law at the same time as a growing number of U.S. states were doing so. Initially the procedure required approval of a Canadian hospital’s Therapeutic Abortion Committee. But when that process resulted in unequal access the Canadian Supreme Court threw out the entire law. Efforts to recriminalize abortion failed.

Which means Canada is the only democratic industrialized nation in the world with no laws restricting abortion. Meanwhile American legislatures and courts have made it increasingly difficult for poor and rural women to have access to this procedure. Interestingly Canada’s abortion rate is much lower than that of the U.S. Its rates of abortion-related complications and maternal mortality are among the lowest in the world.

The debate about same-sex marriage is occurring in both Canada and the U.S. but the intensity and nature of the debate are very different. Just as Massachusetts recently declared gay marriage legal in that state so have the Canadian provinces of Ontario, British Columbia and Quebec. In Canada, there’s no move to alter the Canadian constitution to prohibit gay marriage. Indeed, half of all Canadians back the Prime Minister’s support of a federal law legalizing gay marriage. Revealingly, there does not appear to be a rush to the altar by Canada’s same sex couples. They’re sure they have time.

There’s one more issue on which Canada and the U.S. take dramatically different positions: internationalism. After Canada refused to join the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq, radio talk show hosts maligned Canada in a tone almost as disrespectful and colorful as the one they used to criticize France.

Canadians responded that they were not afraid to fight. Indeed, they noted that unlike the U.S. Canada did not have to be attacked before it sent troops to defend democracy against Hitler and Mussolini.

It was not military action per se but unilateral action that Canada opposed. The U.S. sees coalitions as weakening its influence. This is why we rarely join international organizations unless we have veto or dominant power (e.g. World Bank, IMF, United Nations). Canada, on the other hand, doesn’t seek a dominant hand. It believes that coalitions multiply capacity rather than weaken it.

Canada has been a leading advocate of the landmine conventions and International Criminal Court, neither of which the U.S. has joined. The names of the Canadian cities that hatched the plans to reduce ozone formation and greenhouse gas buildup are etched into the history of several of the key treaties themselves; the Montreal Protocol, the Toronto Atmospheric Accord.

Under President Clinton, the U.S. Senate passed a resolution 98-0 declaring our unwillingness to sign the Kyoto protocol. In one of his first acts in office, President Bush formally withdrew from the negotiating process itself. A little more than a year later Canada became the 100th country to ratify the Kyoto Protocol. Jean Chrιtien, then Canada’s Prime Minister, gave this advice to Environmental Minister David Anderson who was to present the documents to the United Nations. “You say to them, Canada is a good citizen of the world.”

Canadians march to a different drummer. Which doesn’t mean they march in lockstep. Debates can be as stormy north of the border as south. After Parliament’s decision to ratify Kyoto, Alberta, the Texas of Canada, spearheaded national opposition. Gay marriage has come under attack by various religious groups. There is a determined effort in several provinces to privatize parts of the Canadian health care system.

Vigorous debate simply affirms that democracy is alive and well in our northern neighbor. We are a democracy too. But perhaps less thoughtful and deliberative than Canada’s.

David Morris is vice president of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance.

Click here to read the article at AlterNet.Org

Zero for Heroes

The City Politic
Zero for Heroes
Many of the people who spent months in the pit at ground zero have respiratory ailments. And no health insurance. And no aid from the government. Why?

By Greg Sargent
From the October 27, 2003 issue of New York Magazine.

David Rapp used to pride himself on being an active guy. A 250-pound construction worker, he drove piles on the Williamsburg Bridge and on projects all over the city. He could carry a sack of cement on his shoulder as easily as you carry an order of takeout sushi back to your desk. He liked fixing cars. He went crabbing in Jamaica Bay.

Then came September 11. Rapp spent several months at ground zero, drilling steel reinforcements into the “bathtub wall”—the slurry wall between the pit and the Hudson River that prevented the water from flooding the area.

Rapp’s illness began with a faint dizziness and shortness of breath, but it steadily got worse. Before long, he was useless to his former employers. They laid him off. Now Rapp is very, very sick. He’s suffering from severe pulmonary disease—meaning he never gets enough air. He has frequent respiratory infections. He’s on twelve medicines. He carries an oxygen tank wherever he goes. “I just went straight down,” Rapp says, his voice somewhere between a whisper and a rasp. “It’s real depressing.”

He’s learning to accept the fact that he may never work again. But with that comes a question: How is Rapp, whose medical costs are now covered by temporary state workers’ comp, going to pay for his treatment in the future?

“I’m a scared guy right now,” says Rapp, who clearly isn’t accustomed to making such an admission. “I’m in real bad trouble. There are a lot of claims coming in right now. I’m afraid my pharmacy will tell me I’m cut off. I rely on my medicine to breathe.”

Rapp is one of perhaps thousands of people who are not cops or firefighters but who toiled at ground zero and are now sick, even disabled, from asthma, chronic infections, and other respiratory illnesses. These conditions, some experts maintain, were caused by the “crud”—the mixture of dust, ash, fumes from burning plastic, pulverized concrete, and vaporized human remains around ground zero.

Unlike the cops and firefighters whose heroism—and subsequent illnesses—have gotten huge amounts of attention, these other workers lack the medical safety net and pension enjoyed by the guys in uniforms. So they are scrambling for treatment in all kinds of ways. Some are on waiting lists for financially strapped private programs. Others are still battling for workers’ comp. Still others are defying doctors’ orders and working—because with a job comes health insurance. While some have found temporary treatment, they all share an uncertain future, with no guarantee that they’ll get the long-term care they’ll need.

The reason for this is not hard to divine. Two years have passed since the attacks, and there has been no comprehensive effort by the federal government to treat people who got sick helping out at ground zero. Incredibly, thousands of people are ill from a national disaster, and the federal government is AWOL.

“From a public-health standpoint, this is an intolerable outrage,” says Dr. Stephen Levin, who oversees a program at Mount Sinai Hospital that screens thousands of patients with ground-zero-related illnesses. “There is a patchwork, at best, of treatment resources for a limited number of people. But this requires a serious federal response. Hundreds and hundreds of people are facing lives turned totally upside down by illness—without access to care.”

They include volunteers with no insurance; people whose workers’-comp claims have been stymied by insurance companies; and others who were laid off after 9/11 because they were too sick to work—and lost their insurance. These are the same people, you may recall, who were hailed as heroes after 9/11, with adulatory bumper stickers and THANK YOU signs along the West Side Highway.

What made them ill? There was the hydrochloric-acid mist released by plastics smoldering in the wreckage. Also, the falling towers ground a huge amount of concrete into powder so fine that it could be inhaled deep into the lungs. These irritants caused swelling that led to sinusitis, laryngitis, bronchitis, asthma.

Marvin Bethea developed bad asthma. When the towers fell, Bethea, a paramedic, was tending to people in a nearby bank. He found himself inhaling air so dense, he recalls, that “it felt like someone was dumping dirt down my throat.” Two years later, his doctor has told him his condition is so bad that he should quit his job, which entails running up stairs with heavy equipment. But he’s still working—because without the job, he’d lose the health insurance.

The plight of these workers has been taken up by politicians here and there, notably Hillary Clinton and Representative Carolyn Maloney. Maloney is drafting legislation that would require the government to pay the medical costs of all responders without coverage who were injured or sickened at ground zero. “Three thousand rescue workers, and probably thousands more, are still suffering from health problems that are a direct result of their work at ground zero,” she says.

In recent weeks, Levin has done an extensive assessment of his program, which has screened nearly 8,000 victims. And he made two striking discoveries. The first: Ground-zero workers who are being examined now are showing roughly the same rates of illness as they did last year. “We’re finding that these problems are not going away,” Levin says.

The second revelation is no less surprising. Mount Sinai also runs a treatment outfit that has cared for around 400 people. And of those patients, Levin says, 40 percent have no insurance whatsoever. “This disturbing new finding further illustrates how our fragmented system fails people every day,” says Clinton.

The environmental fallout of 9/11 has finally enabled Democrats to stake out a ground-zero-related issue of their own. Clinton has already made headlines with her criticism of the EPA and its mishandling of the downtown-air-quality issue.

In fairness, the Feds have done a few things. Last February, under heavy pressure, they allotted $90 million to pay for the long-term monitoring of ground-zero workers. But the program covers only screening—not treatment. There’s a federal Victims Compensation Fund, but it only applies to people who were at ground zero between September 11 and 15.

In the weeks ahead, the government will have a harder time sidestepping the issue. Representative Chris Shays, a Connecticut Republican, is chairing a congressional hearing at Mount Sinai on October 28 on ground-zero-related health issues. It promises to be a lively show, at which Rapp will be a star witness. “We’d like to see the administration come to grips with this problem,” says Levin. “They surely haven’t done so thus far.”

Click here to read the article at NewYorkMetro.Com

April 13, 2004

Is Medi-Cal sustainable?

Health Access
April 13, 2004
Budget Subcommittees on Health Consider Cuts

Earlier today, both the (California) Assembly and Senate Budget Subcommittees on Health considered a range of health care cuts, and heard testimony from numerous organizations representing consumers, providers, and communities throughout the state.

The Assembly Budget Subcommittee on Health, chaired by Assemblyman Mervyn Dymally, followed the lead of its Senate counterpart in rejecting the full range of proposed enrollment caps. The committee rejected proposals to deny coverage to children applying to get Healthy Families (SCHIP) coverage; children with disabilities applying to get into California Children’s Services (CCS); recent legal immigrants applying to get Medi-Cal; undocumented pregnant women and infants, as well as long-term care to undocumented seniors, applying to get Medi-Cal; immigrants with cancer applying to get into the Breast and Cervical Cancer Treatment Program in Medi-Cal; and hemophilia patients and others applying to get into the Genetically Handicapped Persons Program.

The Subcommittee decided to hold the provider rate cut proposal open, and did not take a formal action.

Both subcommittees heard testimony regarding concerns about the Medi-Cal redesign process and proposals, and new information came out about the proposals.

One proposal was entitled “a conceptual framework for a tiered approach to benefits and cost sharing,” and also included charts indicating who got what benefits and cost-sharing in each of the three tiers, but also the fiscal analysis that presumes such changes would generate savings of over $111 million.

Another proposal under discussion is to geographically expand the reach of Medi-Cal managed care, even though many of these counties have not proven to be able to sustain managed care plans in either the private or Medicare markets.

Health Access Updates (message for April 13, 2004):
http://www.health-access.org/blogger.html

Health Access website:
http://www.health-access.org/

Medi-Cal Redesign:
http://www.medi-calredesign.org/

Comment: It is a relief to know that California legislators cannot accept capping enrollment for those who cannot afford the costs of essential health care. Slamming the doors on low-income individuals with health care needs is an unacceptable, inhumane approach of containing costs.

But a review of the Medi-Cal Redesign website demonstrates that most of the news is bad. For decades, innumerable efforts have been made to reduce expenditures in the Medi-Cal program. There is virtually no slack left. The program is chronically underfunded. New innovations can only result in a decrease in services available, or a mass exit of willing providers who would not be able to sustain solvency with the proposed 15% further reduction in payments.

Separate health welfare programs for low-income individuals will always be underfunded. Other nations have resolved this dilemma by placing everyone in essentially the same insurance risk pool (though through different models). It is now past time for us to consider a similar approach, not just for California, but for the entire nation. With the $1.79 trillion that we are currently spending, we can certainly afford to do it.

April 12, 2004

What are they thinking?: An Orlando Sentinel Editorial

ORLANDO SENTINEL
Editorial
What are they thinking?
Our position: State senators are making no sense in cutting care for pregnant women.

Posted April 12, 2004

As the state Senate and House go into conference to ruminate on the budget, here’s something they should keep in mind:

One of the dumbest things the Senate did was slash health-insurance coverage for 7,000 low-income pregnant women. That $31 million Medicaid cut is even more foolish than the proposed cut in the youth anti-tobacco program.

Women who lack health insurance during pregnancy are much less likely to go to the obstetrician for check-ups. When they show up at the emergency-room door in labor, it may be too late to save the baby or mother if there is a life-threatening condition such as high blood pressure or infection.

Even those who think adults should be responsible for themselves surely care about the babies. Prenatal care helps to prevent pre-term, low-weight births; among babies born before 32 weeks of pregnancy, one in five will die in the first year of life.

Research indicates prenatal care saves $4 for every $1 spent.

Is the Senate having a collective failure of memory? Do senators want to rewind the clock to 1980, when infant mortality in Florida was twice what it is now?

It took years of effort for Florida to cut its newborn death rate to the national average. In the nineties — when Florida began to get serious about giving low-income women prenatal care — the percentage of births without prenatal care was cut in half.

If statistics make senators’ eyes glaze over, they might do well to think of their proposed cut as an increase in the number of infant-sized coffins. Or an increase in the number of tiny preemies on life support, running up unpaid bills of $300,000 each.

Senators should defer to the House on this — and hope voters forget they ever suggested this cut.

© 2004 Orlando Sentinel Communications

Florida Senate policies benefit infant-sized coffin industry

Orlando Sentinel
April 12, 2004
Editorial
What are they thinking?

As the state Senate and House go into conference to ruminate on the budget, here’s something they should keep in mind:

One of the dumbest things the Senate did was slash health-insurance coverage for 7,000 low-income pregnant women.

Even those who think adults should be responsible for themselves surely care about the babies. Prenatal care helps to prevent pre-term, low-weight births; among babies born before 32 weeks of pregnancy, one in five will die in the first year of life.

It took years of effort for Florida to cut its newborn death rate to the national average. In the nineties — when Florida began to get serious about giving low-income women prenatal care — the percentage of births without prenatal care was cut in half.

If statistics make senators’ eyes glaze over, they might do well to think of their proposed cut as an increase in the number of infant-sized coffins.

http://www.orlandosentinel.com/news/opinion/orl-edped121041204apr12,1,1922376.story?coll=orl-opinion-headlines

Comment: Even the coffin industry surely would prefer public policies that would reduce infant coffin sales now, replacing them with deferred sales of more lucrative adult-sized coffins.

We’re spending $1.79 trillion on health care this year. That’s more then enough to pay not only for prenatal care, but for all necessary care for everyone. Our policymakers need to redirect their efforts and start planning for an affordable system of universal health care coverage. We can show them the policies that they would need to adopt in order to establish a compassionate health care system for all. But we have to work harder on delivering that message.

Note: If the link above does not take you straight to the article, you may view the text under “Recent Articles of Interest”.

April 09, 2004

United Healthcare violating insurance law, says NFIB

Denver Business Journal
April 8, 2004
United Healthcare violating insurance law, says NFIB

The National Federation of Independent Business accused United Healthcare Thursday of violating new state laws governing the cost of insurance for small businesses.

HB 1164 allows insurers for the first time to charge healthy groups up to 15 percent less for their health insurance. Unhealthy groups — those with more medical claims — will pay up to 10 percent more, but not until later this year. At that time, insurers can also offer discounts of up to 25 percent for healthy groups.

NFIB says the law allows insurers to discount groups by up to 15 percent, but United did not offer discounts of more than 6 percent if the group included five or fewer workers.

“We were convinced that small employers would be penalized for being small under the new rating flexibility legislation. This action has proved employers’ worst fears have been realized,” NFIB State Director Tim Jackson said.

United Healthcare CEO Victor Lazzaro said… “We are extending discounts that we believe are actuarially appropriate and in line with regulations and laws as written.”

http://denver.bizjournals.com/denver/stories/2004/04/05/daily39.html

Comment: The National Federation of Independent Business and United Healthcare are both quite willing to sacrifice access to affordable care for those with significant needs, in exchange for benefiting the majority who are healthy. Isn’t it time to take the control of our health care system away from these private entities that place their own interests above those of patients with health care needs?

A publicly owned system of funding health care would be designed to ensure that those with needs would have affordable access to care. Isn’t that the way it should be, or am I missing something here?

April 08, 2004

Forum: News flash -- Medicare will not go 'bankrupt'

Alarmist language frightens and misleads the public, say Theodore Marmor and Jonathan Oberlander, and opens the door to imprudent policy debates

Sunday, April 04, 2004

Talk of Medicare going bankrupt is once again dominating the news. The pattern is utterly familiar.

Program trustees issue a report forecasting that Medicare revenues are insufficient to keep pace with future spending obligations and that the trust fund for hospital insurance consequently will become insolvent (last month’s report moved up the projected date of insolvency to 2019). Media accounts warn in hyperbolic tones that Medicare is “going bankrupt.” And politicians declare that “hard choices” must be made if Medicare is to be saved.

Unfortunately, most Americans do not realize that a program like Medicare cannot, like a private trust, go bankrupt.

Medicare has survived four decades of such warnings without any disruption of services to its elderly and disabled enrollees. Despite repeated earlier forecasts of insolvency, Medicare has never gone bankrupt — and it’s not going bankrupt this time around either.

Intended as prudent warning, the forecasting of Medicare’s future finances — and the alarmist language accompanying media reports — instead frightens and misleads the public, and opens the door to imprudent policy debates.

The intermingling of the vocabularies of trust funds, solvency and fiscal prudence has been a central (and ambiguous) feature of social insurance politics in America since the New Deal. Clarifying the language is a precondition to understanding the fiscal realities of a program like Medicare.

In the first place, no precise analogue to private bankruptcy exists in public programs like Medicare. The program’s hospital “trust fund” refers to an accounting term, a conventional way to describe earmarked revenue and spending. The very notion of a public “trust fund” emphasizes the “trust” that earmarked financing (such as the Medicare and Social Security payroll taxes) was originally meant to symbolize.

Since the mid-1930s, the federal government has used the language of trust funds to underscore the solidity of commitment to finance promised benefits in social insurance programs. Other agencies of government came to use this same device to describe specially favored (and protected) objects of governmental support. By the late 20th century, Americans had grown so used to such accounting conventions that the fundamental differences in private and public trust funds have become indistinct.

In private firms or households, a trust fund without funds is literally insolvent, unable to finance any activity. Private trusts cannot tax and their other options are highly constrained. It makes sense to think of private “trustees” making sure the projected income from the trust fund’s “investments” are financially realistic; there is no place else to turn if the invested capital is lost or the income sharply reduced.

Congress, on the other hand, has a radically different relation to the financing and spending decisions affecting trust fund programs like Medicare. It can, for example, change the hospital payroll tax rate for Medicare and immediately eliminate any shortfall, if it has the political will to do so. Likewise, the Congress can alter the benefits and reimbursement provisions of the program’s hospital or medical coverage. Or it can do some of both, as it has in different proportions over Medicare’s operational history since 1966.

Thinking that the trust fund is the crucial fiscal variable is analogous to thinking that a thermometer’s reading constitutes a heat wave or a freeze. Fiscal strain and political stress — that language accurately describes Medicare’s budget circumstances at some times and not at others. News accounts sometimes treat Medicare’s bankruptcy as a predetermined fact. Nothing could be further from the truth; the notion of bankruptcy as destiny distracts from Medicare’s capacity to alter its own future.

The trustees’ reports always stress that the projected date of insolvency assumes no corrective federal action or policy changes. But history shows that Medicare always has taken action to solidify its finances. In the 1980s, Medicare reformed its payment system for hospital and physicians, slowing down growth in program spending and pushing back the estimated date of trust fund exhaustion. More recently, the 1997 Balanced Budget Act included a series of Medicare reforms that dramatically controlled spending.

The result: While in 1997, Medicare’s hospital insurance trust fund was projected to become insolvent by 2001, by 2000 the trust fund was not predicted to be insolvent until 2025, the most optimistic fiscal forecast for Medicare in a quarter-century.

The lesson here is straightforward. Forecasts are simply possible futures, not predicted ones. Understood that way, the story worth telling is that attention now should focus on the problems and disappointments the recent Medicare legislation has generated, not handwringing about 2019. There will be plenty of time to worry about then; now is what is at issue.

(Theodore Marmor, a professor at the Yale School of Management, is the author of “The Politics of Medicare” (theodore.marmor@yale.edu ). Jonathan Oberlander, an associate professor of social medicine at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, is the author of “The Political Life of Medicare” (oberland@med.unc.edu ).)

Click here to view the article at Post-Gazette.com.

Congress wastes tax funds on private Medicare plans

Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC)
April 8, 2004
M+C payment rates compared with county Medicare per capita fee-for-service spending (revised)

The purpose of this report is to present data on the level of Medicare+Choice (M+C) payment rates relative to the spending on similar beneficiaries in Medicare’s traditional fee-for-service program.

Before the Balanced Budget Act of 1997 (BBA), payment rates for private plans were set at 95 percent of a county’s per beneficiary spending under the traditional FFS program.

The Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003 (MMA), altered the payments in several ways.

Across all counties, Medicare is paying M+C plans an average of 107 percent of what it would cost to cover the current mix of M+C enrollees under the traditional fee-for-service Medicare program. This estimate (along with all the other estimates in this report) assumes that the average health risk of the M+C and traditional enrollees are the same, other than those differences accounted for by demographic characteristics. If, as CMS has found, M+C plans enroll a less costly population than would be accounted for by demographics, Medicare would be paying M+C plans more than 107 percent of Medicare’s spending under FFS. (MMA), altered the payments in several ways.

The “100 percent of FFS” prong of the payment formula ensures that no county will have M+C payment rates below its average FFS spending. In fact, because of the additional payments made on behalf of M+C patients by the Medicare program directly to hospitals for IME (indirect medical education), payments to plans in “100 percent of FFS” counties average 102 percent of the cost of covering demographically similar beneficiaries.

Payment rates for enrollees in “blend” counties (most of whom are in areas of northern California with a relatively high hospital price index) average 111 percent of FFS payment. By design, the payment formula’s floors are set higher than FFS spending in many counties. Medicare pays 116 percent of FFS spending for enrollees in floor counties in large urban areas and 123 percent of FFS spending in floor counties in other areas. By contrast, in non-floor counties Medicare pays 104 percent of average FFS spending.

The minimum update component of the rate formula prevents county rates from declining, even if other portions of the formula would otherwise lower rates.

http://www.medpac.gov/
For the two page report, under “Recent products,” click on “MedPAC Brief: M+C payment rates compared with county Medicare per capita fee-for-service spending (revised April 8, 2004)”

Comment: The private Medicare plans promised us lower costs, which they said were made possible by the alleged efficiencies of the competitive marketplace. But they failed to deliver, and many plans pulled out of the Medicare markets. Now Congress has responded by granting the private plans between 3% and 23% more than the costs of the traditional Medicare program, plus whatever else the plans can gain on their own through selective marketing to healthy Medicare beneficiaries.

This is an explicit concession by members of Congress that there is no magic in the competitive marketplace of private health plans. When many members of Congress are protesting that Medicare is headed for bankruptcy, it is outrageous that they would spend even more taxpayer dollars merely to “stabilize” these private plans that have already proven their inability to prevent administrative waste.

This is no longer an expensive experiment in health funding policies. The experiment is over, and the results are in. It is an egregious abusive use of a Congressional edict to give billions of our tax funds to an unworthy private industry. We need to evict these highly unethical scoundrels from our venerable chambers of Congress and replace them with our own scoundrels, but scoundrels with at least some semblance of ethics.

For an excellent article by Theodore Marmor and Jonathan Oberlander on the specious claim of Medicare ‘bankruptcy’:

http://www.post-gazette.com/pg/04095/295433.stm

Note: If and when the above link expires, the article is available under “Recent Articles of Interest”.

April 07, 2004

Higher Medicare spending correlated with lower-quality care

Health Affairs
April 7, 2004
Medicare Spending, The Physician Workforce, And Beneficiaries’ Quality Of Care
By Katherine Baicker and Amitabh Chandra

Abstract:

The quality of care received by Medicare beneficiaries varies across areas. We find that states with higher Medicare spending have lower-quality care. This negative relationship may be driven by the use of intensive, costly care that crowds out the use of more effective care. One mechanism for this trade-off may be the mix of the provider workforce: States with more general practitioners use more effective care and have lower spending, while those with more specialists have higher costs and lower quality. Improving the quality of beneficiaries’ care could be accomplished with more effective use of existing dollars.

http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/content/full/hlthaff.w4.184v1/DC1

Comment: Some will surely react in disbelief to the fact that “the greatest health care system on earth,” with its technologically-advanced, highly-specialized services, actually delivers lower-quality care when there is increased utilization of those high-tech, highly-specialized services. Though it is true, it represents not so much of an indictment of high-tech medicine as it is an indictment of our failure to adequately support a strong primary care base.

Primary care physicians deliver care at a lower cost primarily because they do not use as much expensive, high-tech interventions as do specialists practicing within their own field. But the long-term relationship between the primary care physician and his or her patient occurs within an environment that is more than conducive to lending attention to broader interventions that are well documented to improve outcomes. Scheduling a routine, screening mammogram is an impotent function of primary care physicians, but would not normally be part of the role description of a general surgeon, or certainly not of an ophthalmologist. The primary care fields are board-certified specialties for a very good reason. Primary care specialists specialize in primary care, providing important, beneficial services that are not provided by high-tech specialists.

We clearly need to improve the way in which we allocate our health care funds. Our current system is profit oriented. Physicians will understandably factor in profit potential as they choose their specialties. Access to health care funds should have a positive correlation with quality. But that will never happen under our current fragmented system of funding care.

Only with an integrated approach within a universal system will we be able to improve resource allocation. Such improvement should inevitably include generous funding of a strong primary care base. That would certainly move us closer to our goal of affordable, high quality care for all of us.

April 06, 2004

Private payment: the zombie of health care

Globe and Mail
Apr. 6, 2004
Private payment: the zombie of health care
By Gordon Guyatt

A number of commentators have issued vigorous calls for a debate on private payment for health care, and the two-tier system that private payment brings. They paint a picture of a cowardly conspiracy of silence in the face of an unsustainable system. However, Canadians have been debating public versus private payment since 1919, when Liberal leader William Lyon Mackenzie King included a form of medicare in his election platform. Five times in Canada’s history, the federal government has asked high-profile political or judicial leaders to debate and resolve the health-funding controversy.

The five reviews all came to the same conclusion: Public funding of health care is more equitable and more efficient. A parallel private system will not only introduce inequities in access to care, but will waste our resources and reduce our international competitiveness.

On each occasion, these august bodies widely publicized the relevant evidence. Before national health insurance, Canada’s poor had limited access to health care. Studies have consistently shown that income no longer limits utilization of care.

Public funding means that the single payer, the government, can exercise a discipline impossible when private insurance pays for a substantial part of care. That’s why Canada’s publicly funded sectors of health care, and physician and hospital services, have managed to contain costs.

Both (recent) reports (Roy Romanow and Michael Kirby) also seriously considered, and rejected, the private-pay option. Paying more to get less, the inevitable consequence of moving away from public pay, didn’t make sense to the reports’ authors.

So, why the amnesia about the prior debates? Almost a decade of provincial and federal tax cuts have left government program spending at the lowest percentage of GDP since the 1950s. For some, the mandate to keep taxes low trumps all other considerations.

If our commitment to maintain or extend tax cuts is absolute, we indeed have a problem. In that ideology, it doesn’t matter if we spend more on health care and receive less. We have no choice but to turn to private pay, two-tier health care.

Canadian health economist Bob Evans has described private-pay advocacy for health care as a zombie: intellectually dead, but destined to keep rising again and again to haunt health-policy debates. The critics’ recent comments suggest that even the weight of five lucid, publicly debated reports and recommendations will not put the zombie to rest.

(Gordon Guyatt is a professor in the faculty of health sciences at McMaster University.)

|

April 05, 2004

Pro & Con - Are tax credits the best way to cover the uninsured?

Pro & Con - Family Practice News, April , 2004
Are tax credits the best way to cover the uninsured?

PRO: Dr. John C. Nelson, AMA
CON: Dr. Don McCanne, Physicians for a National Health Program

Dr. John C. Nelson is president-elect of the American Medical Association.

Providing health insurance to the swelling ranks of the uninsured has become one of America’s most pressing health care issues.

As physicians, we know that when our patients don’t have insurance, their health is in jeopardy. In fact, uninsured women are twice as likely as women with insurance to die if they have breast cancer. While many states and the federal government are working to cover the uninsured, much more needs to be done to provide the majority of uninsured Americans with stable health care coverage.

To most effectively increase health care coverage, we need a national solution that builds on the strengths of our current system. The American Medical Association has long held that properly structured tax credits are the best approach to covering the uninsured.

The existing tax exclusion for employer spending on health insurance should be transitioned to a system of tax credits for individuals and families to obtain health insurance. Currently, the government provides a $100 billion subsidy for health insurance to employees who receive employer-sponsored health insurance every year. The result: Two-thirds of the tax subsidy goes to the wealthiest one-third of American families.

Tax credits should be inversely related to income and generous enough to put health insurance within everyone’s reach. They should be refundable, and advanceable, so that families who owe little or no income tax still receive the tax credit, and those who cannot afford monthly out-of-pocket premium payments can purchase coverage without waiting for a year-end tax credit.

Just as strong as the AMA’s support for tax credits is our opposition to the single-payer health system proposal. Long waits for health care services, delays in adopting new technologies and maintaining facilities, and development of a large bureaucracy that can cause a decline in the authority of patients and their physicians over clinical decision-making are all hallmarks of the single-payer system.

We need a plan that will work, and tax credits are an idea whose time has come. In 2002, tax credits for displaced workers gained bipartisan support and became available through federal legislation, and President Bush recently reaffirmed his support for tax credits with his proposal to establish refundable tax credits to help low-income workers buy health insurance coverage. In addition, the major Democratic presidential candidates have embraced tax credits as part of their health care plans.

Currently, there is little choice in health insurance plans. Most Americans have health insurance through their employers, and more than 90% of employers offer only one plan. Through tax credits, individuals and families would be able to select any plan of their choosing, and insurers would be more responsive to patient demand for access, quality, and affordability. This shift in choice and ownership would spur insurers to innovate new plans and new forms of coverage, including a wider range of affordable coverage options.

Let’s act now to better the health of our nation’s uninsured men, women, and children by working together to promote a solution that works for individual and family tax credits to purchase health insurance.

————————————————-

Dr. Don McCanne is immediate past president of Physicians for a National Health Program.

Tax credits are not the best way to cover the uninsured. The goal of reform should be to provide comprehensive, but affordable, coverage for everyone. Tax credits fall short on these goals.

Tax credit proposals are designed to provide financial assistance for the purchase of private health plans that are becoming less and less affordable. The problem is that private plans are an expensive, inequitable, and administratively inefficient method of funding health care. They waste resources on their own administrative excesses and especially through the tremendous administrative burden that they place on the health care delivery system. And since tax credits do not cover the entire premium, many people still will be left without coverage simply because they cannot fund their portion.

Studies have shown that tax credits for individual plans would have only a very minimal impact on the numbers of the uninsured since uptake of the plans would be mostly offset by the incentives for employers to drop coverage for their employees. As the amount of the credit increases, the rate of termination of employer-sponsored plans also increases. Shifting employees to the individual market is a problem because premiums are higher for comparable coverage, benefits are lower, and cost sharing is greater. Those with the greatest need for coverage may be excluded from the individual market because of preexisting disorders.

Other studies have demonstrated that using tax policies to assist with the purchase of group plans is the most expensive method of expanding coverage. Large employers and government purchasers such as the Federal Employees Health Benefit Program have failed to control escalating costs. Middleman health plans were able to slow cost increases through provider contracting. But that sponge was wrung dry, and they no longer are able to further slow the growth in costs. Providing more federal funding would only add fuel to this health care cost explosion.

There is a way to provide affordable, comprehensive coverage for everyone. Replacing our fragmented, wasteful system of private plans, public programs, and no programs at all with a single, publicly funded and publicly administered universal insurance program would provide enough administrative savings to pay for comprehensive care for everyone, with no increase in our current level of health care spending. This has been demonstrated not only by microsimulation models, but also by the actual experience in other nations. And the United States has the unique advantage that the $1.79 trillion that we are already spending is more than enough to ensure a capacity that would prevent excessive queues, and to continue to provide adequate incentives for future technologic innovation.

Instead of pouring more tax dollars into a wasteful, flawed, and inefficient system of funding care, let’s adopt a much more equitable and affordable system. Our current private and public health care delivery system would function much more effectively under a publicly funded and administratively efficient system of insurance that truly covers everyone.

Copyright Β© 2004 by International Medical News Group, an Elsevier company.

Are tax credits the best way to cover the uninsured?

Family Practice News
April 1, 2004
Pro & Con
Are tax credits the best way to cover the uninsured?

Dr. John C. Nelson, president-elect of the American Medical Association:

To most effectively increase health care coverage, we need a national solution that builds on the strengths of our current system. The American Medical Association has long held that properly structured tax credits are the best approach to covering the uninsured.

Dr. Don McCanne, immediate past president of Physicians for a National Health Program:

Tax credit proposals are designed to provide financial assistance for the purchase of private health plans that are becoming less and less affordable. The problem is that private plans are an expensive, inequitable, and administratively inefficient method of funding health care.

http://www2.efamilypracticenews.com/scripts/om.dll/serve?action=searchDB&searchDBfor=art&artType=full&id=aqf04034716b

Comment: This brief “pro and con” opinion feature is well worth reading in its entirety.

Note: If you above link does not take you straight to the “pro and con” feature, you may view it under ‘Recent Articles of Interest’.

April 03, 2004

Greeley, Colo., Hospital Suffers Financial Crisis

Knight Ridder/Tribune Business News
The Miami Herald
Apr. 02, 2004
Greeley, Colo., Hospital Suffers Financial Crisis
By Tom Hacker, Greeley Tribune

Bad debt, charity care and federal reimbursement shortfalls are strangling Colorado hospitals, with Greeley’s hospital shouldering a disproportionate share of the statewide burden, an industry report released today says. And North Colorado Medical Center’s top official said Thursday the numbers show a crisis so severe that only a move toward a national health-care system would bring a solution.

“I was one of the last people, because of my political leanings, to ever see a national health plan as the way to go,” said Jon Sewell, NCMC’s chief executive officer. “But it’s becoming more and more apparent that that’s the only solution I can envision. You can’t have this growing gap between haves and have-nots.”

The widening gap had reached a crisis point that required a shift in thinking toward a national health-care solution, Sewell said. “In Greeley and the rest of the country, we’re at the breaking point as more and more people are moving from the managed-care category” into the uninsured or underinsured groups, he said.

“We need a national health plan that covers everybody to some degree. Something has to happen. We are literally at the brink.”

http://www.miami.com/mld/miamiherald/business/national/8341077.htm

Comment: “Political leanings” have little significance in the face overwhelming evidence that our system of funding health care is fatally flawed. The $1.79 trillion that we are spending this year is more than enough to fund comprehensive care for everyone. Objective assessment of the various funding options available inevitably leads to the conclusion that only a national health plan is capable of allocating our resources effectively, even if some political persuasions have resisted this conclusion.

It’s time to lay partisanship aside and proceed with the restructuring of health care funding. After all, it’s for our health.

April 02, 2004

The Puzzling Popularity Of The PPO

Health Affairs
March/April 2004
The Puzzling Popularity Of The PPO
By Robert E. Hurley, Bradley C. Strunk and Justin S. White

The PPO benefit option is assumed to offer more choice of providers, less
restrictive features for consumers, fewer impositions on caregivers, and lower administrative costs to purchasers. Less apparent is that many employers, increasingly concerned about controlling rising costs, are adopting benefit offerings that are more flexible in terms of customized design and less subject to regulatory strictures. For them, the virtue of the PPO design is its malleability, as its component parts can be shaped into an infinite set of alternative arrangements including broader or narrower networks, richer or more meager benefits, maximum or minimal medical management, and more or less consumer cost sharing.

As the drumbeat for increased consumer responsibility builds with more cost sharing, increased benefit buy-down opportunities, multi-tier provider networks, and various consumer-driven health plan designs, PPO arrangements
seem well positioned to respond to these preferences. The positioning to offer one or more of these options is apparent in every market, as employers grow more restive about what existing product designs can deliver by way of cost containment and interest shifts from supply-side to demand-side interventions. The coinsurance feature of PPO options is especially valued as a means to cultivate price-sensitivity as consumers begin to spend more of their own money for their medical care.

The fact that PPOs have grown in popularity at the same time that overall
health benefit costs have risen sharply is not a ringing endorsement; nor are the trends reported for PPO premiums different from HMO premium trends. Thus, it does not appear that PPO arrangements have played much of a role in
cost containment despite the fact that more than half of all commercially covered lives are in PPOs. What they do seem to deliver is cost displacement by moving costs from employer-sponsors to individuals, which, nonetheless, has the real effect of moderating the rate of increase in employers’
contributions for benefits. In addition, the flexible PPO design enables employers to buy down benefits by requiring more cost participation for existing benefits or to lower their premium contributions by shifting more cost to consumers in the form of user fees.

These findings are pertinent to the current debate regarding the suitability
of the PPO as a policy option for major public-sector programs such as Medicare.

Much of the appeal of the PPO option lies in its asserted superiority relative to HMOs in terms of choice, limited medical management, accommodation of providers’ preferences, and lower administrative expenses. However, the PPO arrangement enjoys none of these advantages relative to traditional Medicare. Moreover, as current trends indicate, much of the recent growth of the PPO is driven by its flexibility to enable employers to shift more costs to consumers and shrink benefit packages, not augment them. Finally, the fact that most PPO networks harbor limited aspirations to manage care, reward provider behavior, and promote aggressive quality improvement for participants makes it far from clear what it is that Medicare hopes to obtain from the PPO product.

The popularity of the PPO is subject to much misunderstanding. The confusion is attributable in part to the diversity of forms in which PPO offerings
appear in the market. It is also related to the fact that PPO participation growth resulted from flight from the undesirable features of the HMO and widespread skepticism about the value of managed care, rather than from a migration to the attractive features of the PPO. Seen from a slightly different angle, however, PPO growth also represents a retreat from the era of benefit expansion of the 1990s because financing these benefits, particularly via provider discounts, has proved unsustainable. In this vein, the PPO option is an instrument for private purchasers to realign what they wish to pay for health benefits with what they believe they can afford to pay. For consumers, the continued “success” in PPO growth almost certainly translates into paying more to try to hold onto what they have.

http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/content/abstract/23/2/56

Comment: With the loss of indemnity plans and the dissatisfaction with
network model HMOs, PPOs have become the favored model, both for employer
sponsored coverage and for individual plan purchasers. High deductible PPOs
will be the primary model to fulfill the catastrophic requirement for the new health savings accounts. And Medicare + Choice was converted into Medicare Advantage primarily to shift Medicare into the private PPO market.

PPOs will continue to expand as benefits and affordability contract. We need to understand that as we shift more into PPO “insurance” products, we are
relinquishing the financial security that insurance should be providing to protect us against the risk of excessive health care costs.

There are better options. A universal, single payer system of social insurance would ensure affordability and financial security in the face of potential health care risks. Why should we lend support to the PPOs at the cost of our own financial and health security?

Supreme Court to Decide if HMO's Can Deny Care

The Corporate Truth Squad (CTS) Alert is a project of USAction. The CTS Alert highlights how our civil justice system gives ordinary citizens the power to stand up against corporations that commit fraud, abuse or other wrongdoing. We will
distribute the CTS Alert regularly to all state legislators, Members of Congress and the media, with documentary evidence of corporate indifference to predictable illness, injury and death, uncovered by ordinary citizens seeking justice through the courts.

please read the full article here

It's time to look again at single-payer

It’s time to look again at single-payer
Capital Times - Madison, WI
By Dave Zweifel
April 2, 2004

Marjie Colson, Madison’s passionate champion for the rights of the powerless, shipped me an e-mail a few days ago saying it is time to talk about single-payer health coverage again.

Colson is convinced, like many of us, that we’re never going to solve our health care problems by continuing down the same path that has left an estimated 42 million Americans, many of them children, without any insurance coverage and tens of millions more sacrificing pay raises to keep the coverage they have.

She’s been invited to a meeting in Washington in early May that’s aimed at drumming up support for Michigan Rep. John Conyers’ proposal that would establish national single-payer health insurance by extending Medicare coverage to everyone in the country. The meeting will bring together for the first time two major organizations that have long been pushing single-payer: Physicians for a National Health Program and the Universal Health Care Action Network.

The organizations are optimistic that the tide is finally turning in favor of a national health program as more and more people are becoming fed up with the current mess.

Conyers envisions paying for his plan, known as the U.S. National Insurance Act, with a 3.3 percent payroll tax that employers would pay Medicare on each of their employees. The employer would pay less than $1,200 per year - $100 a month - for an employee earning $35,000 annually, for example. Full private health insurance is now costing employers who provide it an average of $755 per employee per month.

Conyers figures that a single-payer system based on Medicare would save Americans about $150 billion on paperwork per year and another $50 billion by pooling drug purchases. It is estimated that our current private insurance and HMO plans are eating up close to 18 cents of every health dollar just for administrative costs. Medicare administration, meanwhile, runs less than 3 cents on every dollar.

The problems with our health system today are being felt not only by the 42 million Americans who have no coverage, but by small business owners who simply cannot afford to continue providing their workers with coverage.

“We’ve got to get the profiteers out of health care,” Colson wrote. “They don’t belong. They never did.”

Colson is concerned, though, that so far there are no Wisconsin members of Congress among the 29 co-sponsors of the Conyers bill.

“I can’t believe that,” she said. Neither can I.

Dave Zweifel has been editor of The Capital Times since 1983. A native of New Glarus, Wis. and a graduate of the University of Wisconsin-Madison, his life-long goal was to be the editor of this newspaper. He has had more luck achieving that than his other fondest hope watching the Chicago Cubs win the World Series. He served for many years as president of the Wisconsin Freedom of Information Council and served two years as a juror for the Pulitzer Prizes.

April 01, 2004

How Federalism Could Spur Bipartisan Action On The Uninsured

Health Affairs
March 31, 2004
How Federalism Could Spur Bipartisan Action On The Uninsured
By Henry J. Aaron and Stuart M. Butler

… we share the belief that federally supported state experimentation is apromising way to make progress. States should be allowed to try widely differing solutions with federal financial support under legislated guidelines, including specific protections and measurable goals.

Crafting a single-payer experiment:

ERISA, which exempts self-insured plans from state regulation, is the primary technical obstacle to testing single-payer plans. The political sensitivity to modifications in ERISA is difficult to exaggerate. Anyattempt to carve out an exception from ERISA for state programs to extend coverage would probably doom federal legislation. But states could create”wraparound” plans to cover all who are not currently insured, or even to cover all who are not insured under plans exempted by ERISA from state regulation. While such n arrangement would not be a single-payer plan, it could achieve universal coverage, which is one defining characteristic of single-payer plans, and arguably be sufficient for a valid test. After all, the U.S. health care system is characterized by different subsystems for certain populations and has a form of single-payer coverage for militaryveterans. But of course the real test is whether advocates of single-payer plans regard such a limited arrangement as a fair trial.

http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/content/abstract/hlthaff.w4.168

ERISA compliance:

http://www.dol.gov/ebsa/compliance_assistance.html

Comment: The Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA)requires employers to meet certain minimum standards in the administration of employee pension and welfare benefit plans.

An important provision of the ERISA regulations is that self-insured plans of large employers be exempt from state regulation. In fact, comprehensive reform proposals, such as the single payer model, are often rejected simply because the design would not comply with existing ERISA regulations since exempt programs would be folded into a state regulated system.

Because of ERISA’s importance in protecting benefit programs, it has achieved the status of being written in stone. Rather than modifying ERISA to comply with new programs, new programs are designed to comply with ERISA regulations. Aaron and Butler are even making the ridiculous suggestion that a proposal that has absolutely no resemblance to the single payer model be tested as a single payer model, in name only, merely to comply with ERISA regulations.

But any law or regulation can be modified. Even the United States Constitution can be amended. Since a single payer system would fulfill essentially all of the reasons that ERISA health benefit regulations exist, while providing even greater additional advantages, modifying ERISA to enable enactment of a single payer system certainly would be a step forward.