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August 31, 2005

CBO: The Price Sensitivity of Demand for Nongroup Health Insurance

The Price Sensitivity of Demand for Nongroup Health Insurance
Congressional Budget Office
August 2005

This paper examines the sensitivity of decisions to purchase insurance in the individual, or “nongroup,” insurance market to the price of that insurance-a central aspect of tax credits and other price-based incentives to stimulate the purchase of private health insurance. The paper focuses on those without access to group insurance through an employer-in other words, those for whom nongroup insurance may be the only coverage option. Surveys by the Census Bureau and others help identify such people and allow an examination of their economic and demographic characteristics. However, those surveys do not contain information on the potential premium (or price) of insurance for those who do not purchase it.

This paper uses two alternative methods to estimate that premium for single workers partly on the basis of information about their health status. It then uses exogenous differences in insurance premiums attributable to (1) the tax deductibility of premiums for self-employed individuals and (2) the effect of state-level premium compression and community rating regulations to estimate the responsiveness of otherwise similar people to different levels of price. Using a reduced-form ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model, this analysis estimates a price elasticity of demand for health insurance of -0.57. For example, a 10 percent reduction in insurance premiums is estimated to result in a 5.7 percent increase in health insurance coverage in the nongroup market in our sample of single workers, 16 percent of whom had nongroup coverage at the time of the survey in 2002. Analyses of poor and less-healthy subgroups find largely insignificant results, though the less-healthy appear to be less responsive to premium changes than the more-healthy.

http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/66xx/doc6620/08-24-HealthInsurance.pdf

Comment: Sorry to distribute a message that’s nearly lost in technical jargon, but this one is important.

Most current administration efforts to adopt policies that would reduce the numbers of uninsured are targeted toward the individual insurance market. In order to make premiums affordable, tax credits have been proposed. This study confirms, once again, that reducing premium costs for individuals, through the tax system, will have very little impact in reducing the numbers of uninsured.

The importance of this study is that in our debates we can now say, “The Congressional Budget Office says that tax credits won’t work! Now let’s talk instead about reform that really will work!”

Even the insured can buckle under health care costs

Some make ends meet by forgoing treatment
By Julie Appleby
USA TODAY
August 31, 2005

Medical progress has helped Americans live longer, but the exploding cost of those breakthroughs has polarized the nation: More than one in four Americans are faltering under the burden of health costs, while almost half — those lucky enough to be healthy or wealthy — are untouched.

The rest are a mix of those who say they worry about whether they will be able to pay routine medical bills in the future and those who have already started cutting corners — skipping treatments or not taking prescriptions — because of the costs.

Other findings from a nationwide survey of adults by USA TODAY, the Kaiser Family Foundation and Harvard School of Public Health show that medical inflation is creating financial problems even for those who most assume should be able to handle the costs — those with health insurance.

Sixty-two percent of those struggling to pay medical bills have health insurance, underscoring how increasing premiums, deductibles and gaps in coverage are affecting families.

The survey, a wide-ranging look at the impact of medical costs on the nation’s families, found that 28% of adults were unable to pay for some form of medical care in the past year. That’s nearly double the 15% who reported such a problem in 1976.

Medical costs are a growing burden for middle-income families with children, as well as for the working class, people with chronic illnesses, the disabled and the uninsured. Many who cannot pay skimp on health care, go without prescription drugs or simply ignore their bills, the survey showed.

“The cost of health care is going up much faster than people’s wages,” says Drew Altman of the Kaiser Family Foundation, a non-partisan research group not affiliated with the Kaiser medical group. “Families are paying about (on average) $1,000 more now just for health care premiums than they were five years ago.”

Surprisingly, costs are less of a problem for the elderly, most of whom are covered by Medicare, even though it has seen a 71% increase in monthly premiums since 2000. The survey found that the elderly were far less likely than those under 65 to have skipped treatments or drugs or to have reported that they did not have enough money for medical care.

Overall, the hardest hit by medical costs are the uninsured.

Next are adults under age 65 with insurance who have household incomes of less than $75,000, an analysis of the survey data found. Those in that vast swath of Middle America were far more likely than those richer or older to report not having enough money to pay for medical costs in the past year (33%), to have paid $1,000 or more in out-of-pocket costs for care (31%) or to have skipped medical treatment or a prescription because of the cost (34%).

Wealthier households and those who report few health problems — two groups that represent nearly half of Americans — had little or no difficulty with medical costs.

“Whenever you say there’s a health care crisis, most Americans say, ‘Gee, it must be my neighbor, not me,’ ” says Uwe Reinhardt, an economics professor at Princeton. “That’s because most Americans are not very sick. But when they really do need several different drugs, it can very quickly be very expensive.”

Conducted this spring, the telephone survey of 1,531 adults comes after four years of back-to-back double-digit increases in health insurance premiums.

Premiums for policies offered by employers have risen more than 57% since 2000, with the average family policy costing $9,950 last year, according to a separate employer survey by the Kaiser Family Foundation. Workers pay an average of $2,661 toward that cost. Other findings of the USA TODAY/Kaiser/Harvard poll include:

•More than one in five Americans currently have an overdue medical bill.

•Nearly two out of 10 say health care costs are their biggest monthly expense after rent or mortgage payments.

•Almost three out of 10 estimate they paid $1,000 or more out-of-pocket for health care in the past year on top of premiums.

For some, medical expenses are not a disaster. Paying the bills may mean only putting off buying new cars or redecorating the house. The survey found that 39% of people are very satisfied with what they pay for their health insurance.

Carola Schmidt, of Sheridan, Wyo., has health insurance through her husband’s job. She says it has about a $1,000 annual deductible and covers 90% of the cost of in-network care.

“We do have insurance, and it covers the majority of costs,” says Schmidt. “I hear a lot of complaining, but then people complain about the price of gas and the price of this or that. You have to put it in perspective. If you don’t have insurance, that’s a huge problem. I can’t complain.”

But for others, medical costs cut deeply into the family budget. They make do by going without recommended treatment, or they pile up credit card debt. Fifteen percent of those polled say they’ve been contacted by a collection agency over medical bills, and 12% report using up all or most of their savings because of medical bills.

Crystal Cox, 49, whose 58-year-old husband, Gary, died in October after five months in the hospital, has health insurance. But like many insurance plans, it covers only 80% of hospital bills. So Cox, who earned $12,000 last year at her job cleaning an elementary school, says she owes the hospital $20,000 for the treatment her husband received for strokes and complications of diabetes. The North Bangor, N.Y., resident shops at lowest-cost grocery stores and keeps her thermostat set low in the winter, looking to save wherever she can.

Because of her debt, she avoids going to the doctor herself, putting her among the 29% of those surveyed who reported that they, or someone in their household, had skipped medical treatment, cut pills in half or failed to fill a prescription in the past year because of cost. “I just don’t want to add more bills to what I’m already carrying,” Cox says.

As co-payments, premiums and deductibles rise, those facing financial difficulties are increasingly moderate-income families, such as Jeffrey Herchenroder’s, who have health insurance.

The 45-year-old high school teacher lives just outside Albany, N.Y., with his wife, Cindy, and two of his three children on an annual income of about $65,000. His oldest child just graduated from college. His job provides insurance, for which Herchenroder pays about $3,000 annually toward the premium; his employer pays the rest. He has rheumatoid arthritis, and his 11-year-old son has asthma and diabetes. They recently paid $1,000 for their share of the cost of an insulin pump. Everyone in the family takes at least one prescription drug. Each month, he estimates, the family spends $280 on drugs alone.

“We dip into credit cards, and it starts to become a big cloud,” he says. “We have good insurance but still some amount of (financial) trouble. Medical costs affect our lifestyle. We don’t vacation. We don’t eat out. I buy cars with blown engines and put new engines in them so we have something to drive. I’ve never owned a car newer than 6 years old.”

The most popular type of insurance plan today carries annual deductibles that last year averaged $287 for an individual plan and required patients to pay 20% of hospital or lab bills. As co-payments and deductibles grow, doctors and hospitals report that more patients are skipping out on their share. In response, some doctors, clinics and hospitals are demanding patients pay their co-payments upfront.

Michelle Barkenquast, 37, is a six-year breast-cancer survivor who lives in Homestead, Fla. She has health insurance through her job as a floral buyer for supermarkets. She pays 20% of costs for medical tests or 30% if the clinic or doctor is not in her insurers’ network. She recently turned down one of three tests — a CAT scan — her doctor wanted her to have.

“The place where I was going to have the test called a few days ahead of time and said I would be expected to pay at time of service. It was going to be nearly $3,000. I ended up having two of the tests run, so when I went in, it was about $750,” Barkenquast says.

Such co-payments can strain family budgets.

Kimberly Anderson, 31, of San Antonio, has insurance through her husband’s job. In the past year, she’s had two surgeries, and both her children had surgery for ear tubes. The family income is about $72,000, but their mortgage eats up $1,500 of that a month and payments on two new cars an additional $1,200. She says she and her husband, Jeff, owe about $1,500 to more than a dozen doctors and labs for the costs the insurance plan did not cover. Paying off those bills has fallen behind other priorities.

“You get bills from the anesthesiologist, the surgeon, the consulting surgeon, not to mention the bills for labs, X-rays and MRIs,” she says. “They’re all in collections right now. We’re a middle-income family. Our money goes to the bills and getting food on the table and getting stuff we need to have. Medical bills come last.”

She says the bills did not interfere with getting a mortgage on a new house because the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) didn’t count medical debt in its calculations.

Anthony Stout, 31, is a journeyman mechanic for heating and air conditioning systems, in Blackwell, Okla. His company provides health insurance for him, but not for his wife and six children. His children qualify for a state Medicaid health program, but his $15-an-hour job pays too much for his wife, Stacy, to qualify. She recently had a baby, a cost that was covered by the state program, and is just starting back to work, but she has no insurance.

Stout this past year had a lump removed from his shoulder and lost a week’s pay while out recovering. Luckily, it wasn’t cancer. He owes $2,000 for his share of the surgery; his insurance paid $8,000. “For me, $2,000 is a great percentage (of my income). My rent here may be cheaper than other parts of the country, but the medical costs are the same,” says Stout, who says he hasn’t yet paid the bill.

As a single working mom, Marvella Davis, 37, pays $100 a month for over-the-counter medications for her twin 12-year-old girls, Jasmine and Jamela, who have rheumatoid arthritis. Davis, whose $8-an-hour receptionist job in Dunwoody, Ga., doesn’t come with insurance, has no coverage. The girls are covered by Medicaid, but it doesn’t pay for ibuprofen, a common painkiller used to treat the painful joint condition. Because of the medical expenses, she sometimes has to borrow money from her mother to buy food.

“Their joints get so stiff that they can’t move,” she says. “I can’t not give it to them. But the grocery bill is hard to keep up with.”

In general, the survey found the elderly less affected by medical costs than working-age adults. People over age 65, even those with chronic conditions, are among those who report the fewest problems paying for medical care, illustrating the success of Medicare as it hits its 40th birthday. Eighteen percent of those 65 or over reported skipping a medical treatment or drug because of the cost, compared with 32% of those under 65, the survey showed.

Although the $250 she pays for Medicare and a supplemental policy is her biggest monthly payment, Glenda Cato, 68, says the money comes right out of her pension check and she isn’t suffering. That may be because she managed money well all her life, Cato says. Her house is paid off, and she has no credit card or car payment debt.

“That’s a lot of money because my income isn’t that much, but I know people who are paying twice that,” says Cato, of Sonora, Calif.

She considers herself lucky because she knows plenty of people who have no insurance. Her son, for example, has coverage, but his employer does not provide a family policy. So his wife and kids are uninsured.

“They just pay as things come along,” Cato says. “My grandson fell off his bike and had a big cut on his arm. That was $1,500. I think it’s a big problem in America that isn’t being addressed. People are doing without. They just don’t go for health care because they can’t afford it.”

The number of uninsured has grown in recent years, fueled mainly by workers losing insurance as they lost jobs in a slow economy. Census Bureau figures released Tuesday show 45.8 million uninsured in 2004, up from 45 million in 2003. But the number with insurance grew as well, so the percentage of people without insurance remained the same, at 15.7% of the population.

The USA TODAY/Kaiser/Harvard survey found 18% of adult respondents uninsured. Of the survey respondents who were uninsured, 6% said they didn’t think they needed coverage. But 70% said cost kept them from getting coverage.

Scott Bell, 28, chief installer for a furniture company, lives in Graham, Texas. His job doesn’t come with health insurance, so he pays his own medical costs. Bell, who has asthma, takes two prescriptions a month. Recently, he went to the emergency room with breathing problems.

“Between the bills from the hospital and the doctor, it came to $1,800, for just a couple of hours,” says Bell. “I just send what I can each month — usually around $30 — and they’ve never said anything.”

Bell says he pays $285 a month for his asthma medication, Advair. Sometimes he travels five hours to Mexico to buy it. “When I can go to Mexico, it only costs $40. Medical costs are probably my third-biggest expense, behind rent and my vehicle. Sometimes I have to go without, but most of the time, I can manage somehow or another. I do a lot of extra side jobs, every weekend.”

Kathleen Follett, 54, of Woodburn, Ore., works full time as a sales associate at Wal-Mart in the crafts and fabric department. She earns less than $20,000 a year. While Wal-Mart offers health insurance, she says it costs too much. Of the choices she had, the insurance plan she wanted would have cost about $38 a paycheck, or $76 a month.

Instead, Follett says, “I don’t go to the doctor for anything.”

Solutions to rising costs are elusive — and often temporary. Managed care held down increases during the mid-1990s, but backlash against the restrictions led the strictest types of plans to fall into disfavor and costs rose again.

Most health cost experts, such as Paul Ginsburg, an economist at the Center for Studying Health System Change, a non-partisan think tank in Washington, D.C., say there is no single answer to controlling rising costs. “I don’t see any silver bullet out there that is going to alter the trajectory of our health system, which is one of spending more and more to care for fewer and fewer people,” Ginsburg said at a press briefing in Washington, D.C., last week. One idea currently in vogue includes paying bonuses to doctors and hospitals that show they are improving quality or outcomes. The goal: making health care more efficient, safer and cheaper.

Another idea is to pass along more costs to consumers on the theory that they will become more judicious users of health care and will shop around for the best prices. One way to do that is through insurance plans with high deductibles.

Such plans come with at least a $1,000 annual deductible for individuals and $2,000 for families, meaning patients must themselves pay for care until reaching those limits. Some of the policies are coupled with new tax-free medical savings accounts. While high-deductible plans may lower monthly premiums, they could come as a shock for some patients: The average annual deductible last year for the most popular type of managed care plan was $287 for an individual, according to the Kaiser employer survey.

Supporters say such plans will counter the mistaken belief fostered during the HMO era, when few plans had deductibles and it generally cost $10 to see a doctor or get a prescription, that health care was cheap.

“It’s the first kind of reform targeted at consumers,” says Robert Helms, a resident scholar in health policy at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank in Washington, D.C. Managed care, he says, attempted to control costs by cutting payments to doctors and hospitals. “This really attempts to get individual consumers involved in decisions.”

Critics, such as Consumers Union, say this approach would hurt those with chronic conditions, who would have to pay even more for health care. Health savings accounts and high-deductible policies are still too new for any definitive studies showing whether they result in long-term savings or what financial effect they may have on people with chronic illnesses.

But at best, such solutions will only help slow health care inflation, say several economists such as Ginsburg and Reinhardt. New medical treatments, rising prices and growing demand from aging baby boomers are expected to continue to fuel rapid inflation for years.

“The underlying health care costs are not going to go down,” says Glenn Melnick, a researcher at Rand, a Santa Monica, Calif.-based think tank. “They will continue to grow annually in the 8%-to-10% range for as far as we can see. Managed care is over.”

As costs rise, so will the number of those struggling to pay. “If you were to repeat this survey every two years, you will find more and more moving into those categories where it’s difficult to pay those bills,” Melnick says. “Just because you don’t have a problem today, doesn’t mean you can’t be in one of these other groups next year.”

Physician Group Decries 859,000 Rise in Uninsured

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
August 30,2005
Contacts:
David Himmelstein, M.D. (617) 497-1268
Nicholas Skala (312) 782-6006

please click here to download
the uninsured numbers State by State


Physician Group Decries 859,000 Rise in Uninsured

Medicaid Ranks Swell by 1.9 Million as Poverty Rises and Private Coverage Drops

Middle-Class Losing Coverage at Fastest Rate

13,000 Doctors: “National Health Insurance is the Only Solution”

CHICAGO – Responding to newly-released data from the U.S. Census Bureau showing that the number of uninsured Americans increased by 859,000 in 2004, members of Physicians for a National Health Program condemned the sharp increase in the number of uninsured and called for a national health insurance program to provide comprehensive coverage to all Americans.

The number of uninsured rose from 45 million in 2003 to 45.8 million in 2004 (15.7 percent of the population), the fourth straight year of increases. The number of uninsured has increased by 6 million since 2000.

The Physicians’ group noted that only a huge increase in the number of Medicaid enrollees – driven by an unfortunate increase in the number of people in poverty who were therefore Medicaid-eligible – prevented a much larger rise in the number of uninsured Americans; without the expansion of Medicaid and other public programs the ranks of the uninsured would have swelled by 3.1 million.

While the proportion of Americans covered by private health insurance declined (from 68.6 percent in 2003 to 68.1 percent in 2004), the number of Americans enrolled in Medicaid rose by 1.9 million (from 12.4 percent to 12.9 percent).

The new numbers reflect a continuation of the trend during the Bush administration of declining private coverage and rising poverty which has driven up the number of uninsured despite increases in the Medicaid population. Since 2000 Medicaid enrollment has swelled by 9.6 million (increasing from 10.2 percent of the population to 13 percent in 2004). States spent more on Medicaid in 2004 than on primary and secondary education combined.

“The new census numbers should wake up our politicians.” said Dr. David Himmelstein, Associate Professor of Medicine at Harvard Medical School. “More and more are uninsured, and the Bush Administration’s main strategy for increasing coverage is to drive more Americans into poverty so they can qualify for Medicaid. But Medicaid is second class coverage, often little better than being uninsured. Americans desperately need national health insurance.”

Middle-class Americans with incomes of between $50,000 and $75,000 were the fastest-growing group of uninsured, increasing by 616,000 individuals in 2004.

“The high cost of insurance premiums are forcing millions of middle-class Americans to forego coverage, and millions more find that their skimpy policies leave them vulnerable to high out-of-pocket costs and even bankruptcy if they are seriously ill,” Himmelstein said. “Most of the two million Americans affected by medical bankruptcies each year were middle-class. A middle income is no longer a guarantee of coverage or protection.”

PNHP National Coordinator Dr. Quentin Young said that a system of national health insurance was the only way to solve the problems in the nation’s health system.

“These cold figures can never measure the human suffering that results from being uninsured. It makes any illness a potential economic and social catastrophe,” Young said. “The Administration’s proposed reforms fail to address the systemic problems of the health system. Health savings accounts and tax credits will only intensify the failure. By contrast, the experience of other industrialized nations teaches us that high-quality, comprehensive care can be provided to all our citizens without increasing health spending. A single-payer national health insurance system has emerged as only solution to the nation’s health system debacle.”

###

Physicians for a National Health Program is an organization of 13,000 American physicians advocating for non-profit national health insurance. PNHP has chapters and spokespersons across the country. For contacts, call (312) 782-6006

Get the Facts: HSA's and Consumer-Directed Health Plans are Bad Medicine

PNHP Fact Sheet: Health Savings Accounts – No Savings

What is a Health Savings Account?
Health savings accounts (HSAs) are promoted by insurers as the “consumer-directed” solution to the health care crisis, and by some conservatives as a way to make individuals more “responsible for their health care choices.”
Please click here to download the(pdf) file

August 30, 2005

Medical insurance left them hanging

Penn Valley couple shocked by big bills
By Andrew McIntosh
Sacramento Bee Staff Writer
Monday, August 29, 2005

When Darlene Henderson became ill with breast cancer in 2001, the illness devastated her body and soul.

And that was only the start of her misfortunes.

Soon afterward, the Penn Valley woman’s husband, David, was felled by an abdominal aortic aneurism the size of a baseball and rushed to surgery.

As the self-employed couple struggled to recover from three major surgeries each, their only comfort was that they had bought $1 million worth of catastrophic medical insurance through a business association.

Or, so they thought - until a blizzard of medical bills topping $210,000 buried them.

The Hendersons soon learned their insurance would cover less than 20 percent of the bills, plunging them into a financial crisis.

Backed by a Santa Monica-based consumer group, the Hendersons and dozens of others like them statewide are calling on Insurance Commissioner John Garamendi to educate consumers about the perils of such insurance and crack down on companies selling it.

“Like people who have swerved over a cliff on a dangerous road, we feel obligated to petition for a hazard sign to protect others,” David Henderson said.

Garamendi, concerned about the proliferation of what he called “skeletal” health coverage, will examine the sale of limited insurance policies through industry associations at a Sept. 20 public hearing in San Francisco.

Currently, state rules require basic hospital insurance benefits to be “of real economic value to the insured.”

Yet the regulations, last updated in 1972, include a minimum hospital benefit of just $30 a day.

The Hendersons bought their insurance through the National Association of Self-Employed because of promises made by their sales agent, who pitched a policy from the Mega Life and Health Insurance Co. of North Richland Hills, Texas.

For $400 a month, the couple said the Mega sales agent told them, they could buy a group policy that would cover 80 percent to 100 percent of their hospital costs up to $1 million.

In the end, Mega covered $33,428 of the Hendersons’ bills, they said, leaving them quivering when they learned they still owed $181,855.

The agent, the Hendersons said, didn’t emphasize or explain some critical information:

  • There was no cap on their out-of-pocket expenses, unlike traditional health insurance available through large employers.
  • Their benefits had daily maximums so far below the average cost of medical procedures and hospital stays that the financial security it purported to offer was illusory.

The Hendersons acknowledge that they didn’t read the fine print in the policy. Even if they had, they might not have understood it, said a representative of the California Foundation of Taxpayer and Consumer Rights. The Santa Monica-based consumer group said the complex policies are riddled with exclusions and caps.

“No other policy sells patients health care coverage that promises so much yet delivers so little,” spokeswoman Carmen Balber said.

She said Mega and other association health insurers pay maximum benefits that are so far below the average cost of medical procedures that customers have little or no protection from financial ruin.

David Henderson urged authorities to act fast to protect consumers: “The public has to be protected from these unscrupulous practices.”

Sick and unable to work while trying to care for themselves and Darlene Henderson’s 88-year-old mother, the Hendersons were forced to sell a car and other possessions on eBay to help pay some of their bills, David Henderson recalled.

The couple still owe close to $200,000, with interest. They have sued Mega, its parent and the association in Nevada County’s Superior Court.

The company and the National Association for the Self-Employed deny wrongdoing or any liability. A trial is set for January.

The Hendersons also say that the association, an organization they thought was representing their interests as small-business people, has close ties to Mega.

“The NASE was not an independent entity. It was a marketing ruse,” David Henderson said.

Mega is one of several specialty life and health insurers operated by UICI, a holding company that trades on the New York Stock Exchange.

Mega recruits members for the National Association for the Self-Employed, based near Mega in Grapevine, and sells insurance policies on the association’s behalf.

Mega also sells marketing services to the association, and a company controlled by the children of UICI Chairman Ronald Jensen sells administrative and billing services to NASE, a company spokesman confirmed.

Despite these ties, a spokesman for UICI and its Mega affiliate said that the companies and the association are distinct and separate legal entities, adding that ties between them have been properly disclosed to authorities and policyholders.

In an Aug. 8 securities filing, UICI revealed that its Mega affiliate has been named a defendant in “numerous cases” in California and other jurisdictions by plaintiffs challenging the way it is selling health insurance in the self-employed market.

The insurer’s stock, which rose to a 52-week high of $36.40 in the fall of 2004, sank to $21.31 in April before recovering to the $30-$31 range this month.

Plaintiffs are also challenging the relationship between UICI insurance units such as Mega and the associations that are actively promoting its insurance products to members, the company said, adding it has settled several cases without admitting liability.

The company, which last year reported net income of $161.6 million on revenue of $2.1 billion, said in its most recent quarterly report with the Securities and Exchange Commission that resolving the outstanding cases will not have a material effect on its finances.

In January, Mega and the other defendants paid $1.7 million to settle a lawsuit by court reporter Dana Christensen of Marina Del Rey.

Christensen alleged that the defendants deceived her family into purchasing what she calls a “sham insurance policy.” She sued after her husband died from bone cancer, leaving her with uncovered medical bills totaling $450,000, her attorney Tony Stuart said.

A company spokesman insisted its coverage, limitations and caps were all disclosed and discussed with the Christensen family before they bought their policy.

The spokesman added that the Christensens paid $7,760 in premiums to Mega and received about $167,000 in benefits.

“The impression given is that there was no value to the policy and that it was worthless,” the company spokesman said. “That’s an incorrect impression.”

The lawyer for the Christensens said this amount included payouts totaling only $97,000, but the insurer had boosted the benefit by including medical network care discounts for another $70,000.

Regulators here and in other states are taking action as consumer complaints and lawsuits mount.

In late March, the National Association of Insurance Commissioners named the states of Washington and Alaska to lead “a multistate examination” into the conduct of three UICI affiliates, including Mega, Mid-West National and the Chesapeake Life Insurance Co.

The examination started in May 2005 and officials are hoping to finish it by year’s end, said Bill Ripple, a spokesman for Washington Insurance Commissioner Mark Kreidler.

“The number of complaints we had become a trend, not only here, but elsewhere,” Ripple said.

“We’re looking at practices and procedures, such as marketing, to check that they’re doing what they say they’re doing.”

In March, Washington’s Insurance Department served a cease and desist order on Mega, after finding the insurer was selling “substandard and legally noncompliant” group health insurance that included forms “inconsistent with state law.”

In 2004, Mega and another UICI affiliate were fined $100,000 by California’s Insurance Department after auditors found the companies deliberately delayed paying claims.

————————————————————-

ASSOCIATIONS AND YOUR HEALTH
The California Department of Insurance wants to make consumers considering health insurance from an association aware of several facts:

  • The department does not regulate the associations that offer the coverage.
  • Since the association purchases the policy on behalf of its members, it is the association that dictates or negotiates the coverage.
  • The quality of the coverage depends on what the association is willing to pay in most cases.
  • Consumers should request a specimen copy of the policy and the plan booklet before submitting an application for coverage. To the best of the department’s knowledge, the industry does not routinely offer this.

Source: California Department of Insurance

U.S. Census Bureau: 45.8 million uninsured

Income Stable, Poverty Rate Increases, Percentage of Americans without Health Insurance Unchanged
U.S. Census Bureau
August 30, 2005

The percentage of the nation’s population without health insurance coverage remained stable, at 15.7 percent in 2004. The number of people with health insurance increased by 2.0 million to 245.3 million between 2003 and 2004, and the number without such coverage rose by 800,000 to 45.8 million.

Press release:
http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/income_wealth/005647.html

Health Insurance Coverage: 2004
http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/hlthins/hlthin04.html

Comment: Although the percentage of uninsured is stable at 15.7%, an additional 800,000 individuals have no insurance, for a total of 45.8 million in 2004. The 800,000 individuals added to the list can assure you that there should be no complacency in these numbers.

One very important point not covered is that the security provided by health care coverage is deteriorating, potentially exposing many of the 245 million with coverage to significant debt. An egregious example is that of David and Darlene Henderson. They purchased a $1 million catastrophic plan, through a business association, for a premium of $400 per month. She developed breast cancer, and he had emergency surgery for an aortic aneurysm. Their insurance paid $33,428 and left them with out-of-pocket expenses of $181,855. Although theirs is an extreme example, it does indicate the vulnerability of the insured as innovative trends in coverage play out. (The Sacramento Bee, August 29, 2005:
http://www.sacbee.com/content/business/story/13489439p-14330129c.html)

Our current policies and projected trends will lead us further into disaster. This can be prevented by changing the way we allocate the $1.9 trillion that we are already spending on health care. But that will require a change in national policies. The process can begin only once there is an honest acknowledgement that we need public oversight of a universal system.

Until then, you might want to cover your potential losses by investing in the booming business of collection agencies.

August 29, 2005

More doctors returning to Canada than leaving, first time in 30 years

By Sheryl Ubelacker
Canadian Press
August 26, 2005

TORONTO (CP) - When Dr. Kellie Leitch returned to Canada from the United States a few years ago, she joined a growing number of Canadian physicians choosing to come back home to practise. And now, the country’s medical brain-drain has been reversed for the first time in 30 years.

For decades, Canada experienced more drain than gain when it came to doctors departing for so-called greener pastures in the United States or countries overseas. But last year, that trend was reversed for the first time, with more doctors returning home than waving bon voyage to the country’s shores, a new report shows.

The report by the Canadian Institute for Health Information (CIHI), released Wednesday, shows that 317 physicians returned to Canada last year compared to 262 who left.

The net surplus is the first since the institute began collecting this data in 1969, and is “a continuation in the trend we have seen since the mid-1990s of a decreasing number of doctors leaving Canada for opportunities in other countries,” said Steve Slade, co-author of the report.

“That’s not happened once on record with our database, and it’s a first, a historical year for Canada,” he said from Ottawa.

The number of doctors who left Canada stood at 420 in 2000; and in 1994, a whopping 771 physicians crossed the border south or left the country’s shores.

Meanwhile, a 24 per cent rise in the number of doctors returning home in 2004, compared with five years earlier, gave Canada’s physician workforce the net gain.

Leitch, who attended the University of Toronto’s medical school, went to California in 2001 to complete her training in pediatric orthopedic surgery.

There were lots of opportunities in the United States, but Leitch said she jumped at an offer from the University of Western Ontario and returned to Canada in late 2002. Since then, she has been named chair chief of pediatric surgery at the Children’s Hospital of Western Ontario.

“The primary reason I returned to Canada . . . is that the Canadian taxpayers paid for my education,” Leitch, 34, said from London. Ont. “There is a huge investment in educating, in particular specialist physicians . . . and it only made sense to me that the people who had made that huge investment should benefit from that specialty they’ve invested in.”

Leitch said there are only about 60 orthopedic surgeons for children in Canada, and even one leaving would have a huge impact on patient care.

But she doesn’t think returning home makes her unique.

“I think there are a lot of Canadian physicians who were trained in Canada who’ve gone to the United States and are looking for a reason to come home. I think it’s because we have a better quality of life in Canada, I think they see there are opportunities here that weren’t available to them in the United States or elsewhere abroad, and that we are a well-supported community.”

The report by the Canadian Institute for Health Information (CIHI), released Wednesday, shows that 317 physicians returned to Canada last year compared to 262 who left.

The net surplus is the first since the institute began collecting this data in 1969, and is “a continuation in the trend we have seen since the mid-1990s of a decreasing number of doctors leaving Canada for opportunities in other countries,” said Steve Slade, co-author of the report.

“That’s not happened once on record with our database, and it’s a first, a historical year for Canada,” he said from Ottawa.

The number of doctors who left Canada stood at 420 in 2000; and in 1994, a whopping 771 physicians crossed the border south or left the country’s shores.

Meanwhile, a 24 per cent rise in the number of doctors returning home in 2004, compared with five years earlier, gave Canada’s physician workforce the net gain.

Dr. Ruth Collins-Nakai, president of the Canadian Medical Association, said the return of some physicians may be related to Canada luring back doctors to head or staff high-profile research institutes at universities across the country.

“I guess we’re somewhat relieved to see there’s a net increase in physicians coming into Canada, although it doesn’t really help us in overall numbers,” lamented Collins-Nakai. “We are more or less treading water in terms of our overall physician supply.”

The CIHI report shows that the number of doctors across the country rose by five per cent between 2000 and 2004 - to 60,612 from 57,803.

But growth in the country’s population kept pace during that period, leaving the number of doctors per 100,000 residents relatively stable - a status quo that has not made it easier for Canadians to find a family physician or get access to a specialist.

Collins-Nakai said hundreds more medical school entry positions are needed - and professors to replace those retiring to teach them - if Canada is to even approach self-sufficiency in achieving a physician workforce large enough to serve all Canadians in a timely fashion.

“In order to accomplish that, the medical schools, which are currently bursting at their seams, are going to need increased resources,” the cardiologist said from Edmonton.

Complicating efforts to ramp up the number of doctors to meet an aging population’s growing demand for both family practitioners and specialists is the concurrent greying of health-care services.

Baldly put, Canada’s doctors are getting older. In 2000-2004, the average age of physicians increased by one year, to 49 from 48. During the same period, the proportion of physicians under age 40 dropped by 13 per cent.

“That’s like our window into the future, where we see a decrease in the number of really quite recent graduates in Canada,” said Slade.

The report also shows that the doctor supply is made up increasingly by women: in 2004, females accounted for almost one-third of physicians, a 10 per cent increase since 2000. Among doctors 40 and under, women made up nearly half in 2004.

But with more female doctors working shorter hours, access to care is not improving for patients, but declining, experts says.

Making matters worse for patients is the expected retirement of more than six per cent of physicians in the next two years, said Collins-Nakai. “And we expect up to one-third of all physicians to be decreasing hours of work.

“Many physicians over the past half or (full) decade have been doing excessive hours of work to provide access to patients,” she said. “And we know we’ve got increased burnout levels among physicians.”

- Here are some highlights from the CIHI report on doctors:

-In 2000, 420 Canadian physicians moved abroad compared to 262 in 2004, a 38 per cent decrease.

-In 2000, 256 physicians returned to Canada compared to 317 in 2004, a 24 per cent increase.

-For the first time since 1969, when statistics were first compiled, more physicians returned to Canada than left the country.

-Between 2000 and 2004, the number of doctors in Canada grew by five per cent, a rate that kept pace with population growth.

-Among the provinces, Alberta and P.E.I. had the largest percentage increase in the number of physicians in the five-year period - up by 19 per cent and 18 per cent, respectively.
-In 2000, there were 188 physicians per 100,000 population; in 2004, there were 189 per 100,000.

-The proportion of family physicians to population rose slightly, while the proportion of specialists dropped between 2000 and 2004.

-During 2000-2004, the number of international medical graduates in family medicine in Canada rose 12 per cent, while specialist graduates numbers fell 9.4 per cent.

-The average age of physicians increased by one year from 2000-2004, to 49.

From Hippocrates to Hypocrisy

By Steven Lewis
Winnipeg Free Press
August 21, 2005

The official voice of Canadian doctors has had it with single-tier medicare. Why? Because patients are suffering and dying waiting for care, according to the ineffable Dr. Victor Dirnfeld of British Columbia, with rhetoric unsupported by evidence.

Governments just don’t give Canada’s altruistic doctors the resources to do right by their patients. The solution: Give Canadians a choice to buy their way out of the public lineup.

Last Tuesday, CMA delegates timidly endorsed a private, parallel system by resorting to the convoluted vehicle of the double-negative (voting against a resolution that was against private medicine).

By Wednesday, they were braver. Sixty-four per cent voted in favour of this resolution: “The Canadian Medical Association supports the principle that when timely access to care cannot be provided in the public health-care system the patient should be able to utilize private health insurance to reimburse the cost of care obtained in the private sector.”

Good for the CMA. On Tuesday, the debate was muted, the proceedings oddly preoccupied with wording. No passion, no ringing discussions of principle. Not with a bang, but a whimper. The next day, more spirited to-and-fro. In the end, forced to take a stand, the 200 delegates took one.

It’s folly to blame an interest-group for pursuing its interests. The CMA does not exist to advance the public interest — it is the doctors’ lobby, pure and simple. And, like all sophisticated interest groups, it insists that it is solely preoccupied with the well-being of the public.

Ergo: When a bunch of us doctors set up private clinics for the well-to-do, all Canadians will get better and more timely care. That’s why we’re doing it — nothing to do with money. We deeply admire the public system; we just can’t pass a resolution that declares it to be the best option. We share its values, only it isn’t getting the job done.

Government’s fault — always is.

The CMA has traded the Hippocratic for the Hypocritic with a capital H. But it could show the public just a little respect. We’re quite prepared for your pursuit of self-interest.

You don’t have to pretend you’re doing it for us — you’ve been ambivalent about medicare since the beginning. It’s not about us having a choice, since, by the CMA’s own reckoning, most Canadians won’t be able to buy private insurance. It’s about you having a choice. We’re just fodder for the argument, and collateral damage when you get what you want.

So come clean. Celebrate the lucrative private options for doctors who want to make more money and restrict their practices to those in their own class. Tell us candidly that you favour a minimalist set of core services for the masses, reserving the high-quality diagnostics and fast access to care for successful people like you. That way, you’ll make more money. And, with a stripped-down public system, you’ll pay less tax, too.

And don’t be afraid to chide the thousands of physicians who are naďve enough to commit to the public system. Tell them that their labours are in vain, their system is second-rate, their Toyotas an embarrassment in the hospital parking lot.

Let’s assume that many doctors will want out, and the public system will be under more strain with its capacity temporarily reduced. What can governments and the public do to strengthen the public system and shore it up against further erosion?

There’s a lot that can be done. First, let’s get all the talent in the public system working at full capacity. Get other professionals involved more centrally in primary care. A team of nurses, rehabilitation therapists, psychologists and pharmacists is capable of providing excellent front-line care. If my physician clinic went private and I had the option of seeing a nurse practitioner in a comprehensive clinic, I’d go in a minute. I might go anyway.

Second, if the CMA and its followers want a private and parallel system, make sure it is truly private and parallel. Don’t subsidize it by training its personnel at huge public expense — charge them full tuition ($60,000 a year for physicians). Make them build their own hospitals so the complications from their surgical centres don’t end up taking our space in the public system.

Students at the swish private schools — you know, the ones that the CMA likes to refer to as benign analogies to private medicine — don’t get to use public-school facilities whenever it’s convenient. Let them and their investors put billions of dollars on the table and see if they can make a go of it. You want to be entrepreneurs? Go for it — assemble the capital, take the risk.

Third, regulate profiteering and over-servicing. Provinces can pass laws that opted-out physicians can charge no more per service than the rate in the public system. Some do so already. Require private clinics to undergo regular quality and utilization audits. The U.S. is full of horror stories of investor-driven excess. Examples: A northern California hospital was cracking open chests to perform unnecessary by-pass surgery in response to pressure from the head office to increase profit margins. A southern California outfit was flying in healthy patients from the East Coast to undergo a few days of diagnostic investigations to generate higher revenues.

Impossible here, you say? Think Enron. Think Vioxx. Hell, think Krispy Kreme. Profit is a harsh taskmaster.

Fourth, and importantly, make doctors choose — in or out. No hybrid public and private practices. Take away the safety net: You don’t get to maintain a part-time public practice, where the state pays your fees, while building up your private and parallel business.

You’re entitled to move out — and we’re entitled to change the locks.

But it’s not just governments that have to respond vigorously to the privatization challenge. It’s all of us. Citizens have to make medicare a political issue at both the provincial and federal level. Make parties declare where they stand. If governments get a democratic warrant to preside over the development of a private and parallel system, let it blossom. Canadians deserve a chance to vote on it, one way or the other.

Not everything has to be overtly political. Legions of doctors are philosophically committed to the values of public health care and do their best to make it work. We should support them, honour them, and let the world know who they are. Launch a sticker campaign that certifies medical offices and clinics as medicare-friendly. Voting with one’s feet is always a healthy signal to those who earn their living by serving us. Ask the embarrassing question when making an appointment: “Are you a medicare-friendly clinic? If not, why not?”

And every once in awhile, hit the streets. As the CMA drafts its report on how the public and private systems ought to interact, serenade it with the chants of tens of thousands of citizens in front of their Ottawa head office in support of single-tier health care. Demonstrations in front of provincial medical association offices would be similarly invigorating.

We owe a debt to the CMA for letting us know where it stands. Let’s reciprocate the favour by letting it know, loudly, where we stand. If, in the end, the public sides with the CMA, applaud them one more time.

All that is clear right now is that if medicare is to improve and thrive, it will be in spite of — not because of — the efforts of organized medicine.

Steven Lewis is president of Access Consulting Ltd. in Saskatoon and adjunct professor of health policy at the University of Calgary.

Physicians returning to Canada

For the First Time, More Canadian Physicians Are Returning to the Country Than Leaving
Canadian Institute for Health Information
August 24, 2005

New statistics compiled by the Canadian Institute for Health Information (CIHI) show that for the first time since 1969 (the period for which data are available) more physicians have returned to Canada than moved abroad. In 2004, 317 physicians returned to Canada, and 262 moved abroad. In the period between 2000 and 2004, the number of physicians who left Canada declined by 38%.

“The new data reflect a continuation in the trend we have seen since the mid-1990s of a decreasing number of doctors leaving Canada for opportunities in other countries,” says Steve Slade, consultant on physician databases at CIHI. “The other notable trend is that Canada’s total number of doctors has kept pace with population growth since the late 1990s.”

While the total number of physicians per 100,000 population has remained quite stable, the situation is not the same for both family physicians and specialists. Between 2000 and 2004, the number of family physicians increased from 94 per 100,000 to 98 per 100,000. However the overall number of specialists per 100,000 population declined from 93 to 91 in the same five-year period.

http://secure.cihi.ca/cihiweb/dispPage.jsp?cw_page=media_24aug2005_e

Full report (139 pages):
http://secure.cihi.ca/cihiweb/dispPage.jsp?cw_page=PG_385_E&cw_topic=385&cw_rel=AR_14_E

Comment: Opponents of single payer reform will shrug this off as a one-year fluke, but it isn’t. It is a well-documented trend over the past decade that simply passed a threshold this year, resulting in a positive influx of physicians migrating back to Canada.

It would be difficult to attribute this shift to factors such as physician income levels in Canada, or, more simply, the enjoyment of Canadian winters.

More likely, physicians prefer to practice in an environment in which they can advocate for their patients without barriers erected by third party payers or by an inability of the patients to meet out-of-pocket costs - barriers that are characteristic of the U.S. system.

Another major flaw in the health care system in the United States is our weak and rapidly-deteriorating primary care base. Barbara Starfield and others have demonstrated that a strong primary care infrastructure improves quality at a lower cost. Another important trend demonstrated in this study is the renewed emphasis on primary care in Canada.

We can learn much from these Canadian physicians who have checked out “the greatest health care system in the world,” and have decided to go back home.

August 26, 2005

M. Gladwell on the moral-hazard myth

The Moral-Hazard Myth: The bad idea behind our failed health-care system
By Malcolm Gladwell
The New Yorker
August 29, 2005

At the center of the Bush Administration’s plan to address the health-insurance mess are Health Savings Accounts, and Health Savings Accounts are exactly what you would come up with if you were concerned, above all else, with minimizing moral hazard. The logic behind them was laid out in the 2004 Economic Report of the President. Americans, the report argues, have too much health insurance: typical plans cover things that they shouldn’t, creating the problem of overconsumption.

John Nyman, an economist at the University of Minnesota, says that the fear of moral hazard lies behind the thicket of co-payments and deductibles and utilization reviews which characterizes the American health-insurance system. Fear of moral hazard, Nyman writes, also explains “the general lack of enthusiasm by U.S. health economists for the expansion of health insurance coverage (for example, national health insurance or expanded Medicare benefits) in the U.S.

The moral-hazard argument makes sense, however, only if we consume health care in the same way that we consume other consumer goods, and to economists like Nyman this assumption is plainly absurd. We go to the doctor grudgingly, only because we’re sick. “Moral hazard is overblown,” the Princeton economist Uwe Reinhardt says. “You always hear that the demand for health care is unlimited. This is just not true. People who are very well insured, who are very rich, do you see them check into the hospital because it’s free? Do people really like to go to the doctor? Do they check into the hospital instead of playing golf?”

“The main effect of putting more of it on the consumer is to reduce the social redistributive element of insurance,” the Stanford economist Victor Fuchs says. Health Savings Accounts are not a variant of universal health care. In their governing assumptions, they are the antithesis of universal health care.

The issue about what to do with the health-care system is sometimes presented as a technical argument about the merits of one kind of coverage over another or as an ideological argument about socialized versus private medicine. It is, instead, about a few very simple questions. Do you think that this kind of redistribution of risk is a good idea? Do you think that people whose genes predispose them to depression or cancer, or whose poverty complicates asthma or diabetes, or who get hit by a drunk driver… ought to bear a greater share of the costs of their health care than those of us who are lucky enough to escape such misfortunes? In the rest of the industrialized world, it is assumed that the more equally and widely the burdens of illness are shared, the better off the population as a whole is likely to be. The reason the United States has forty-five million people without coverage is that its health-care policy is in the hands of people who disagree, and who regard health insurance not as the solution but as the problem.

http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/articles/050829fa_fact

Comment: Having returned from an escape to the Eastern Sierras, I found my email box stuffed with recommendations to read Malcolm Gladwell’s article. I have. You should too.

August 25, 2005

Canadian nurses speak out against CMA support of private system

Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario - Open letter to the Ontario Medical Association

TORONTO, Aug. 17 /CNW/ -

Dr. Gregory Flynn
President
Ontario Medical Association

Jonathan Guss
Chief Executive Officer
Ontario Medical Association

August 17, 2005

Dear physician colleagues,

Ontario nurses have been following the deliberations at the 138th annual meeting of the Canadian Medical Association with much concern. While we were heartened to hear that delegates showed strong support for access to medical care based on need, not ability to pay, we were dismayed that CMA members failed to reject a parallel, investor-driven, for-profit system. The CMA squandered an opportunity to show Canadians that it is committed to continue to put in the time and effort to rebuild and reform our universal, publicly funded and delivered health-care system. That would have shown as much common sense as courageous leadership, and the Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario would have saluted it. Instead, we are saddened that two-thirds of the delegates rejected a motion calling on doctors to denounce a parallel health-care system as a way to deal with long waiting lists.

As registered nurses working alongside you on the front line of health-care delivery, we are well aware that our system has problems. Evidence and experience from other jurisdictions shows, however, that those problems will only deepen and grow if we increase the role of investor-driven, for-profit health insurance and health delivery in our system. Investor-driven insurance and businesses are already siphoning physicians, nurses, resources and support away from the public system, privileging those who can afford to pay for private health care.

There is little doubt there are those who will benefit by linking profits with illness and suffering. But the most vulnerable people in our community, those who have the least resources and are most likely to need health care, have the most to lose if we allow our single-tier, publicly funded system to be slowly but surely starved of resources and respect. We know that private insurers will “skim” the more profitable cases and burden the public system with chronic and catastrophic care. And anyone who is less than healthy and/or less than wealthy is at risk to receive compromised access to health-care services in a for-profit insurance market. The Canadian Medical Association’s own poll recently showed that 58 per cent of physicians felt that most of their patients will either not qualify or be unable to afford private insurance.

Organizations like the CMA are careful to shun American-style health care, and have turned instead to countries such as Sweden, Britain and Germany for guidance. But this advice ignores the realities of an increasingly integrated North American economy, as well as our formal commitments under NAFTA which may open the door to U.S. corporations if we expand for-profit health care in Canada.

At the same time, the CMA fails to learn from those very jurisdictions it cites. For example, British doctors, representing the National Health Service Consultants’ Association, sent an open letter to the incoming CMA president urging Canadian doctors to “learn from our country’s mistakes and reject private care and other market-style policies.” The letter warns that instead of “saving” public health care, privatization has undermined the National Health Service, raising costs and undermining quality.

Nurses are not interested in protecting the “status quo;” they are unified in their interest to protect the public by strengthening and expanding medicare for all Canadians. As extensive evidence from the Romanow Commission has shown us, the best solution is to “build on our values” by making the public system even more responsive, efficient and accountable to Canadians. Now is the time to accelerate the positive reforms that are taking root with support from a series of Health Accords. These reforms will strengthen public hospitals, community health, access to pharmaceutical drugs, and healthy living. That reform must pick up momentum — boosted by Canada and Ontario’s solid financial performance — but it must serve the needs of all Ontarians, not just those with deep pockets and good health.

Nurses call on their physician colleagues to avoid the mistakes of the past, such as the Saskatchewan MD strike of 1962 that tried to stop the implementation of Saskatchewan’s Medical Care Act — the precursor to medicare. It is unfortunate that four decades later, delegates at this annual meeting have decided not to take a strong stand against for-profit health care, ignoring the will of the vast majority of Canadians. While a parallel, investor-driven system might financially benefit some individual doctors, strengthening the for-profit motive in health care will fray our social fabric and jeopardize quality health care.

As the CMA conference wraps up today, we ask the Ontario Medical Association to show some leadership by taking a strong stand against that which would weaken our health-care system — private health insurance, two-tier, cheque-book medicine — and a strong stand for what will improve it: accelerated health-care reform that improves the quality and access of our health care while strengthening Canadians’ confidence in it.

Respectfully,

(signed)
Joan Lesmond, RN, BScN, MSN
President

(signed)
Doris Grinspun, RN, MSN, PhD (cand), O.Ont.
Executive Director

Cc:
Dr. Ruth Collins-Nakai, President of the Canadian Medical Association
Hon. Dalton McGuinty, Premier of Ontario
Rt. Hon. Paul Martin, Prime Minister of Canada
Hon. George Smitherman, Ontario Minister of Health and Long-Term Care
Hon. Ujjal Dosanjh, Minister of Health
Dr. Deborah Tamlyn, President of the Canadian Nurses Association

For further information: please contact: Sine MacKinnon, Director of Communications, Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario, Phone: (416) 599-1925, 1-800-268-7199 ext. 209, Cell: (416) 829-6657, smackinnon@rnao.org

http://www.newswire.ca/en/releases/archive/August2005/17/c0949.html

Healthcare is Migrating South of the Border (LA Times)

Healthcare Is Migrating South of the Border
California employers are steering Latinos to Mexico, where care is less costly but uneven
By Richard Marosi, Times Staff Writer
Los Angeles Times

TIJUANA — Thousands of Latinos who live near the border are taking advantage of a benefit increasingly offered by their U.S. employers: cheaper healthcare in Mexico.

About 160,000 California workers — farm laborers as well as working—class Latinos employed at hotels, casinos, restaurants and local governments in San Diego and Imperial counties — are getting their annual checkkups and having surgeries through health networks south of the border, insurers say.

The arrangement is cheaper for both employers and employees. In Mexico, healthcare costs are about 40% to 50% lower than in California, freeing some employers to offer services that they couldn’t otherwise afford.

“It’s a win-win situation for me. I’m able to offer it to everybody, and my premiums went way down,” said Mark Holloway, part owner of a department store in Calexico, Calif., who said he couldn’t afford health insurance for his 50 employees until he enrolled them in a cross-border plan.

He said he can sign up several employees, each at about $100 monthly, for about the same price as one employee in a U.S. plan.

Employees enjoy lower premiums and co-payments, typically $5, and the comfort and convenience of describing their aches and pains in Spanish to doctors who, they say, tend to take more time with them.

“The rate is good, the service is good,” said David Ouzan, a city councilman in Calexico, where about a third of the city’s workers use dental and medical clinics in Mexicali, just across the border. “I myself have used dentists in Mexico.”

Still, the trend has generated some misgivings among doctors and consumer advocates north of the border.

Some worry about the quality of care in Mexico and limited regulatory control.

Others say the cross-border plans represent a sad commentary on the limited access that immigrants and the working poor have to treatment in California.

They represent a “positive turn of events for cross-border health coverage … but are another reminder about how sick our health system is in thhe U.S.,” said Dr. Robert K. Ross, president of the California Endowment, a healthcare philanthropy.

Mexico has long been a low-cost alternative for thousands of people — many of them uninsured — who price-hunt among clusters of storeffront clinics and small hospitals in Tijuana and Mexicali for treatment they can’t afford in the States.

And some cross-border health plans have operated since at least the 1950s, when Imperial Valley farmers started offering coverage to migrant workers.

But the emergence in the last five years of cross-border HMOs, which must be licensed by the state of California, signals the growing acceptance of Mexican doctor networks by mainstream employers and insurers in the United States.

HMOs Cover 36,000

So far, three HMOs, two in the U.S. and one in Mexico called SIMNSA, are providing coverage for employees of California companies, covering 36,000 workers and their dependents, according to statistics provided by the insurers. About two-thirds of those employees are covered by the U.S. insurers, Blue Shield of California and Health Net Inc. (Health Net enrollees can access clinics on either side of the border.)

Since 2000, the number of nonagricultural employers in California offering such health plans has jumped from 165 to about 700.

Employee enrollment in farming association-sponsored plans in Mexico is far greater, though, reaching about 124,000, according to the plans. Though these are not HMOs, they rely on networks of Mexican doctors and hospitals.

Enrollees are typically Mexican citizens legally employed at U.S. companies, either living in Mexico or in the U.S. Many earn only $5 to $7 an hour and could not afford U.S.-based plans. But others are Mexican Americans, some of them in executive-level positions.

“Employers are really surprised a bit by the quality, the cleanliness,” said Peter Duncan, a vice president at Blue Shield of California, whose cross-border program is called Access Baja. “Often they had visions of squalor. It isn’t Cedars-Sinai. But they find that the basic quality of care is really there.”

Mexican facilities that are part of HMO networks serving U.S. companies are audited by the HMOs themselves for sanitary conditions, infection control policies and staff training levels, as required by the California Department of Managed Health Care. They are not directly evaluated by state regulators. Physicians must be licensed in Mexico and maintain a good standing in the medical community.

Still, some medical experts are concerned about what they describe as a wide variation in quality south of the border.

Though comparing the two systems, with their differing standards and philosophies, is difficult, doctors on both sides of the border say the Mexican regulatory system is lax, and doctor training not as rigorous as in the U.S.

In Mexico, doctors typically need six years of schooling; in the U.S., a physician’s education can take eight to 11 years, including college, medical school and possibly a residency training program.

“High-quality [healthcare] does exist in many places,” said Dr. Michael Rodriguez, a UCLA professor familiar with the border region, but “sometimes there are places that you’d wonder whether you would want to take a dog for treatment, let alone a person…. My guess and my hope is that HMOs are veery [discriminating] who they work with.”

Some consumer advocates say the audits done by HMOs themselves potentially create a conflict of interest. And they note that when complaints surface, the state may not have the jurisdiction to thoroughly investigate them. Mexican doctors, for instance, are not subject to regulation by the Medical Board of California.

Medical care in Tijuana, however, has generally improved since 1991, when Mother Teresa fell ill there and had to be taken to San Diego for treatment, said Patricia Aubanel, a U.S.-trained cardiologist who has performed heart surgeries in both countries.

Disreputable clinics touting miracle cancer cures or cut-rate cosmetic surgery still draw thousands of Californians, but a cottage industry of modern clinics and hospitals has developed in recent years that treats ailments ranging from colds to heart disease.

Insurers, employers and many border medical experts insist that the Mexican plans offer an acceptable level of care to a population that prefers healthcare in Mexico, even when offered plans in California.

But for some Latinos along the border, any plan is an improvement.

They are more likely to lack heath insurance than any other demographic group, according to the National Hispanic Medical Assn., and one of the draws of these cross-border plans is that they are a bargain.

Monthly premiums average about $100 for individuals and $350 for families in Blue Shield of California’s Access Baja plan. By contrast, the average monthly premium for California HMO plans was $261 for singles and $721 for families, according to a 2004 survey of employers by the California Healthcare Foundation.

Cross-border programs “seem to be fulfilling an important need, providing quality … healthcare services for very specific populations,” said Evaa Moya, executive director of the U.S. section of the U.S.-Mexico Border Health Commission.

Most cross-border enterprises function like California healthcare plans. Enrollees choose a doctor in Mexico for routine care. In emergency or urgent-care situations they can go to the nearest hospital or clinic in California or Mexico.

Participating employers include San Diego County’s landmark Hotel del Coronado, several manufacturing companies and retailers, and local governments such as El Centro’s Central Union High School District.

In Mexico, some medical offices brim with state-of-the-art equipment. Hospital signs direct patients in English and Spanish. Physicians in those offices say many of their colleagues boast degrees and training from top universities in the U.S. and Mexico.

Tijuana’s rapid population growth has fueled a mini-boom in hospital construction, drawing well-trained doctors from Mexico City and the U.S., say experts in both countries.

Technology Compared

Many facilities’ technology is comparable to that in the U.S., said Dr. Jose Hernandez Fujigaki, a U.S.-trained cardiologist who has performed heart surgery in National City, near San Diego, and, for a fraction of the cost, at the hospital he owns in Tijuana, Centro Medico Excel.

“We’re catching up,” said Fujigaki, adding that the Tijuana hospital can handle almost any surgery except skin grafts and organ transplants.

At Excel’s classroom-size main operating room, a horse trainer was recently wheeled in for a hernia operation. Three nurses in crisply pressed hospital garb spent several minutes meticulously assembling the instrument tray.

The team of three doctors made a small incision, inserted a small scope connected to a special camera called a laparoscope and repaired the man’s abdominal wall. Several visitors watched the procedure on television monitors from the observation room overhead.

Dr. Ruben Flores Diaz said the surgery, along with open-heart and other complex procedures, have been performed hundreds of times at Excel.

“This afternoon, he will leave … and a week from now he’ll be back wwith his horses,” said Flores Diaz, a general surgeon.

Excel’s charges are a fraction of those at U.S. hospitals. The daily charge for room and care in Excel’s intensive care unit is about $1,200. At Scripps Clinic, a large hospital in San Diego, the cost is about $4,000.

Personal Touch

Part of what draws patients south of the border is the very different medical culture. In California, some Latino patients say, care takes longer to get and is not rendered with as personal a touch.

These enrollees, who have received healthcare in both countries, say the U.S. system is too bureaucratic and hurries them out the door.

“Over there [in San Diego], we wait for more than half an hour and they just give us a Tylenol,” said cross-border plan member Guadalupe Briseno, who accompanied her 15-year-old son, Jorge, to the Tijuana clinic of Dr. Teresa Figueroa Garcia.

Garcia, 52, a soft-spoken family practitioner, is one of about 73 doctors in Tijuana affiliated with Access Baja.

Garcia, who shares her suite of offices with her husband, an internist, consults with patients in her office before treating them in an adjoining examination room.

She said she sees about seven patients daily. American doctors, by comparison, may see several times that, according to doctors north of the border.

Rosalia Serratos of Brawley, Calif., couldn’t afford insurance before her husband was hired three years ago at an Imperial Valley farm.

In years past, the family would seek treatment only in emergency rooms.

Now, their Access Baja plan enables them to go to Mexicali doctors, and in emergencies, U.S. doctors. The family believes that it can take advantage of the best from both countries.

Earlier this year, Serratos’ 3-year-old son, Saul, almost drowned in a pool accident and had to be airlifted to San Diego.

U.S. doctors, she said, saved her son’s life.

But for routine care she prefers taking him and her 9-year-old daughter to Mexicali, 25 miles away, where she says the clinics have shorter waits and more attentive doctors.

“I like the way they treated my son in San Diego. They never left him alone,” said Serratos, referring to the near-drowning. But for regular care, she added, “I like going to Mexico.”

Jose Rangel, a San Diego construction worker, said finding a good doctor to treat his lower-back pain was a problem in both countries.

In California, he would wait weeks for an appointment that lasted just a few minutes, he said. The doctors, he said, prescribed an assortment of drugs that only temporarily eased the pain.

In Mexico, the first physician he saw took X-rays and recommended surgery, but Rangel didn’t trust him because he didn’t take time to explain why.

“In Mexico, there are bad doctors just like here,” said Rangel, whose wife and two children also visit Mexican physicians. “It’s like everything else. It’s all about getting a good recommendation.”

Rangel ended up seeing Dr. Felipe Tovar Vasquez, a slim, middle-age back specialist for the Access Baja plan who extracted Rangel’s herniated disc and fused two vertebral bones. The operation was so successful that Rangel recommended the same procedure and doctor to his brother.

“I ended up well, thank God. I was walking two days after the surgery,” said Rangel, who can now painlessly hoist cabinets at his current job.

Tovar, a graduate of Mexico City’s prestigious Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, said Rangel was one of hundreds of people he had helped. His training and skills, he said, are the equal of U.S. doctors’.

The only difference, he said, is “a lot of money.”

Time for a healthy divorce from employment

Time for a healthy divorce from employment
By Dr. Susanne King
Berkshire Eagle
Tuesday, August 23, 2005

LENOX - “Employers bracing for health bills” cried the headline in The Berkshire Eagle earlier this month. For the past five years, employee health plan costs in Berkshire County and elsewhere have been rising at double digit rates, and the same is predicted for the coming year. For some small business owners, the rate of rise in health insurance prices has been even steeper. A friend who is a self-insured small business woman told me her insurance tripled over the past five years. She said if her premiums continue to rise, she will be unable to afford health insurance.

Cities and towns have also been struggling to pay for health care for municipal employees, which has led to conflict. Unable to afford the rising cost of health insurance, cities and towns are asking their employees to pay for a greater percentage of the cost of their health care. Property owners are affected as well, since property taxes must be increased to pay for health insurance for municipal employees.

The New York Times reported last year that “health premiums are sapping corporate balance sheets even more than the rising cost of energy.”

*

Take the case of General Motors. In 2003, GM’s cost to build a midsize car in the United States included $1,400 for health insurance. However, in Canada, GM was able to manufacture a car for $1,400 less than in the U.S. because Canada has a single payer national health insurance program rather than private insurance tied to employment.

Single payer means that the government collects and dispenses health care funds. In other words, the government is the “single payer” and insurance companies are eliminated. Canada’s single payer, national health care system covers everyone regardless of employment. In a single payer system, huge savings occur because administrative expenses are approximately 3 percent compared to 39 percent when hundreds of American insurance companies are involved. Single payer health care would be like our current Medicare system, except everyone would be covered, regardless of age.

A joint letter signed by the top executives of the Big Three automakers (GM, Ford, and Daimler/ Chrysler) in Canada, said that in addition to providing “essential and affordable health services for all” single payer “significantly reduces total labor costs compared to the cost of equivalent private insurance services purchased by U.S. -based automakers,” and “has been an important ingredient in the success of Canada’s most important export industry (automobiles).”

Canadian national health insurance saved Canadian automakers $4 per hour per worker in 2003 (in U.S. dollars). “High health care costs have created a competitive gap that’s driving investment decisions away from the U.S.,” said the vice chairman at Ford.

Our economy is hurting. In 2003, General Motors spent $4.5 billion on health care, Ford spent $2.8 billion, and Daimler/Chrysler spent $1.4 billion. Every business, big or small, is hurting. Meanwhile, the number of workers insured by their employers is shrinking, and the remaining insured workers are being asked to contribute more to their health care costs, sharing premium costs and having higher deductibles and co-pays.

Employees are hurting. The employer-based private health insurance system in the United States is an unhealthy marriage between employers and private insurance companies. Our system was created after World War II, when wages were frozen, and health care benefits were provided instead of raising wages.

This system has lumbered along, getting more and more unwieldy and expensive, dragging down the competitiveness of our country in a global economy, while workers in every other industrialized nation have national health insurance administered by their governments.

Private health insurance companies are responsible for this unhealthy marriage in our country, which spends twice as much for health care as any country in the world, and yet has poorer health care outcomes than other industrialized countries. What has developed is a system in which our struggling businesses and towns subsidize the profits of insurance companies and drug companies.

In order to maintain their enormous profits, these companies raise the specter of “socialized medicine,” with visions of lines and inferior care. But single payer is not socialized medicine, because health care itself would be provided by privately-owned hospitals and doctors’ offices. The only change would be in the funding and administering of health care by a “single payer” (the government), rather than the current hundreds of insurance payers. The government already pays for more than 60 percent of health care, including Medicaid, Medicare, and the Veterans Administration health care system, as well as paying for public employees’ private health care coverage and giving tax subsidies to private insurance companies.

Government health care spending will increase with the boondoggle that is coming with the privatization of the prescription benefit for Medicare. Why not eliminate the middle men, and use the public funds that are now going through private insurers to actually fund public coverage? Massachusetts has everything to gain by embracing single payer health care.

If towns did not have to subsidize health insurance and drug company profits by paying for health care coverage for employees, they could focus on paying for education, which has suffered from cutbacks in funding because of rising health care costs. And how many business owners and employees matched the salary and benefits of the not-for-profit Massachusetts Blue Cross Blue Shield CEO in 2002, who made more than $3 million?

Automakers have moved manufacturing to Canada, where they take advantage of the single payer national health care system to increase their profits. If we were to have single payer health care in Massachusetts, our system would be an incentive for businesses to move to our state, where the costs of doing business would be lower. What would you save in your business if you did not have to pay for health care insurance premiums for your employees?

*

Now is the time to legislate a new system that will divorce health insurance from employment. There are four bills addressing health care reform in the Massachusetts legislature. Only one bill, the single payer Massachusetts Health Care Trust, S. 755, would free businesses, workers and our economy from this tyrannical alliance of health care insurance and employment.

S. 755 is also the only universal and affordable bill. Now is the time to legislate a single payer health care system for our state.

State's health insurance needs intensive care

State’s health insurance needs intensive care
By David Lazarus
San Francisco Chronicle
Sunday, August 21, 2005

The United States is spending billions of dollars a year — not including the roughly $60 billion annual tab for the war in Iraq — to fight terrorism.

We’re doing this because terrorists hurt people. The especially proficient ones kill people.

But if keeping people out of the hospital (or morgue) is a primary goal of this lavish spending, how do we explain the catastrophe that is the U. S. health care system?

An increasing number of Americans are going without health coverage as our company-sponsored insurance system continues to erode.

Those without insurance, in turn, are skipping visits to doctors and failing to take preventive measures that could keep an illness from becoming debilitating.

These are two of the findings from a report issued last week by the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research. It showed that the number of California adults covered by company-sponsored health plans is steadily falling.

Perhaps even more troubling, spouses and kids of California workers are increasingly losing health insurance as companies cut back on the scope of coverage.

This is California we’re talking about — the wealthiest state in the wealthiest nation on the planet. And our health care system is failing us.

“California’s problems are the problems of the nation,” said Richard Brown, director of the UCLA center and co-author of the newly released study.

“The cost of health care has continued to increase so rapidly it has outstripped by far workers’ increases in salary and the ability of employers to afford it.”

Indeed, companies that once provided health benefits as a routine matter of employee compensation are increasingly offloading costs on workers in the face of double-digit annual price increases.

Average workers, in turn, are increasingly finding it difficult to provide themselves and their families with the coverage they need to ensure well-being.

More than 6 million Californians now lack health insurance. At the national level, the number of uninsured is a staggering 45 million.

That number will only continue to climb as more companies step back from their traditional role as health-insurance provider.

Rick Wagoner, chief exec of General Motors, told shareholders earlier this summer that GM — the nation’s largest private purchaser of health insurance — will spend $5.6 billion this year on health benefits for workers and retirees.

That’s more than the company spends on steel for its vehicles, and translates to an extra cost of $1,500 for every car or truck produced.

“Our $1,500-per-unit health care expense represents a significant disadvantage versus our foreign-based competitors,” Wagoner said. “Left unaddressed, this will make a big difference in our ability to compete in investment, technology and other key contributors to our future success.”

He added: “It is crystal clear that we need to achieve a significant reduction in our health care cost disadvantage and to do so promptly.”

But how do we do that? If universal coverage for all Americans is our goal, and it must be, what’s the use of pouring more money and resources into a system that’s already out of reach of millions of people and breaking the economic backs of employers large and small?

The answer, obviously, is to admit that the employer-based insurance system that came into being during World War II is no longer capable of accommodating the nation’s health care needs.

“It’s time for employers to take a very close look at a single-payer health care system,” said state Sen. Sheila Kuehl, D-Santa Monica. “They need to see that there is a way to control costs while still providing high standards of health care for everyone.”

Kuehl has introduced legislation — SB840 — that would create such a system in California. The bill was approved by the state Senate in May and is now winding its way through the Assembly.

A single-payer system essentially provides health coverage for everyone, based on taxes collected from companies and individuals. There are no extra co- pays or premiums. Anyone can receive treatment from any doctor at any hospital.

“Single-payer is a really good system,” UCLA’s Brown said. “It’s the most effective way to ensure equity and to control health care spending and costs.”

The beauty of Kuehl’s plan is that it would allow California to serve as a proving ground for the rest of the country. Single payer could be introduced and tinkered with here, then rolled out elsewhere.

Canada adopted a similar approach in gradually expanding a single-payer system to all its provinces. It started with Saskatchewan in the 1940s.

The Canadian system isn’t perfect — far from it. Long waits for treatment are a constant complaint.

Nevertheless, nearly two-thirds of Canadians surveyed still give their health care system a grade of A or B, according to poll results released last week.

When was the last time you spoke with a working man or woman who gave similarly high marks to the U.S. health insurance system?

If anything, the experiences of Canada, Britain and other developed nations that have pursued single-payer systems can show the United States both what works and what doesn’t in shaping a program to meet this country’s needs.

Whatever else, the UCLA study shows that if we don’t do something soon to remedy things, more Americans will go without coverage with each passing year.

“I think we’re finally getting to a point where a significant portion of the business community will stand up and say that it can’t take it anymore,” said Brown. “Maybe that’s when we’ll see something get done.”

David Lazarus’ column appears Wednesdays, Fridays and Sundays. He also can be seen regularly on KTVU’s “Mornings on 2.” Send tips or feedback to dlazarus@sfchronicle.com.

The Moral-Hazard Myth (New Yorker)

The Moral Harzard Myth
The bad idea behind our failed health-care system
By Malcom Gladwell
The New Yorker
August 29, 2005

Tooth decay begins, typically, when debris becomes trapped between the teeth and along the ridges and in the grooves of the molars. The food rots. It becomes colonized with bacteria. The bacteria feeds off sugars in the mouth and forms an acid that begins to eat away at the enamel of the teeth. Slowly, the bacteria works its way through to the dentin, the inner structure, and from there the cavity begins to blossom three-dimensionally, spreading inward and sideways. When the decay reaches the pulp tissue, the blood vessels, and the nerves that serve the tooth, the pain starts—an insistent throbbing. The tooth turns brown. It begins to lose its hard structure, to the point where a dentist can reach into a cavity with a hand instrument and scoop out the decay. At the base of the tooth, the bacteria mineralizes into tartar, which begins to irritate the gums. They become puffy and bright red and start to recede, leaving more and more of the tooth’s root exposed. When the infection works its way down to the bone, the structure holding the tooth in begins to collapse altogether.

Several years ago, two Harvard researchers, Susan Starr Sered and Rushika Fernandopulle, set out to interview people without health-care coverage for a book they were writing, “Uninsured in America.” They talked to as many kinds of people as they could find, collecting stories of untreated depression and struggling single mothers and chronically injured laborers—and the most common complaint they heard was about teeth. Gina, a hairdresser in Idaho, whose husband worked as a freight manager at a chain store, had “a peculiar mannerism of keeping her mouth closed even when speaking.” It turned out that she hadn’t been able to afford dental care for three years, and one of her front teeth was rotting. Daniel, a construction worker, pulled out his bad teeth with pliers. Then, there was Loretta, who worked nights at a university research center in Mississippi, and was missing most of her teeth. “They’ll break off after a while, and then you just grab a hold of them, and they work their way out,” she explained to Sered and Fernandopulle. “It hurts so bad, because the tooth aches. Then it’s a relief just to get it out of there. The hole closes up itself anyway. So it’s so much better.”

People without health insurance have bad teeth because, if you’re paying for everything out of your own pocket, going to the dentist for a checkup seems like a luxury. It isn’t, of course. The loss of teeth makes eating fresh fruits and vegetables difficult, and a diet heavy in soft, processed foods exacerbates more serious health problems, like diabetes. The pain of tooth decay leads many people to use alcohol as a salve. And those struggling to get ahead in the job market quickly find that the unsightliness of bad teeth, and the self-consciousness that results, can become a major barrier. If your teeth are bad, you’re not going to get a job as a receptionist, say, or a cashier. You’re going to be put in the back somewhere, far from the public eye. What Loretta, Gina, and Daniel understand, the two authors tell us, is that bad teeth have come to be seen as a marker of “poor parenting, low educational achievement and slow or faulty intellectual development.” They are an outward marker of caste. “Almost every time we asked interviewees what their first priority would be if the president established universal health coverage tomorrow,” Sered and Fernandopulle write, “the immediate answer was ‘my teeth.’ ”

The U. S. health-care system, according to “Uninsured in America,” has created a group of people who increasingly look different from others and suffer in ways that others do not. The leading cause of personal bankruptcy in the United States is unpaid medical bills. Half of the uninsured owe money to hospitals, and a third are being pursued by collection agencies. Children without health insurance are less likely to receive medical attention for serious injuries, for recurrent ear infections, or for asthma. Lung-cancer patients without insurance are less likely to receive surgery, chemotherapy, or radiation treatment. Heart-attack victims without health insurance are less likely to receive angioplasty. People with pneumonia who don’t have health insurance are less likely to receive X rays or consultations. The death rate in any given year for someone without health insurance is twenty-five per cent higher than for someone with insurance. Because the uninsured are sicker than the rest of us, they can’t get better jobs, and because they can’t get better jobs they can’t afford health insurance, and because they can’t afford health insurance they get even sicker. John, the manager of a bar in Idaho, tells Sered and Fernandopulle that as a result of various workplace injuries over the years he takes eight ibuprofen, waits two hours, then takes eight more—and tries to cadge as much prescription pain medication as he can from friends. “There are times when I should’ve gone to the doctor, but I couldn’t afford to go because I don’t have insurance,” he says. “Like when my back messed up, I should’ve gone. If I had insurance, I would’ve went, because I know I could get treatment, but when you can’t afford it you don’t go. Because the harder the hole you get into in terms of bills, then you’ll never get out. So you just say, ‘I can deal with the pain.’ ”

One of the great mysteries of political life in the United States is why Americans are so devoted to their health-care system. Six times in the past century—during the First World War, during the Depression, during the Truman and Johnson Administrations, in the Senate in the nineteen-seventies, and during the Clinton years—efforts have been made to introduce some kind of universal health insurance, and each time the efforts have been rejected. Instead, the United States has opted for a makeshift system of increasing complexity and dysfunction. Americans spend $5,267 per capita on health care every year, almost two and half times the industrialized world’s median of $2,193; the extra spending comes to hundreds of billions of dollars a year. What does that extra spending buy us? Americans have fewer doctors per capita than most Western countries. We go to the doctor less than people in other Western countries. We get admitted to the hospital less frequently than people in other Western countries. We are less satisfied with our health care than our counterparts in other countries. American life expectancy is lower than the Western average. Childhood-immunization rates in the United States are lower than average. Infant-mortality rates are in the nineteenth percentile of industrialized nations. Doctors here perform more high-end medical procedures, such as coronary angioplasties, than in other countries, but most of the wealthier Western countries have more CT scanners than the United States does, and Switzerland, Japan, Austria, and Finland all have more MRI machines per capita. Nor is our system more efficient. The United States spends more than a thousand dollars per capita per year—or close to four hundred billion dollars—on health-care-related paperwork and administration, whereas Canada, for example, spends only about three hundred dollars per capita. And, of course, every other country in the industrialized world insures all its citizens; despite those extra hundreds of billions of dollars we spend each year, we leave forty-five million people without any insurance. A country that displays an almost ruthless commitment to efficiency and performance in every aspect of its economy—a country that switched to Japanese cars the moment they were more reliable, and to Chinese T-shirts the moment they were five cents cheaper—has loyally stuck with a health-care system that leaves its citizenry pulling out their teeth with pliers.

America’s health-care mess is, in part, simply an accident of history. The fact that there have been six attempts at universal health coverage in the last century suggests that there has long been support for the idea. But politics has always got in the way. In both Europe and the United States, for example, the push for health insurance was led, in large part, by organized labor. But in Europe the unions worked through the political system, fighting for coverage for all citizens. From the start, health insurance in Europe was public and universal, and that created powerful political support for any attempt to expand benefits. In the United States, by contrast, the unions worked through the collective-bargaining system and, as a result, could win health benefits only for their own members. Health insurance here has always been private and selective, and every attempt to expand benefits has resulted in a paralyzing political battle over who would be added to insurance rolls and who ought to pay for those additions.

Policy is driven by more than politics, however. It is equally driven by ideas, and in the past few decades a particular idea has taken hold among prominent American economists which has also been a powerful impediment to the expansion of health insurance. The idea is known as “moral hazard.” Health economists in other Western nations do not share this obsession. Nor do most Americans. But moral hazard has profoundly shaped the way think tanks formulate policy and the way experts argue and the way health insurers structure their plans and the way legislation and regulations have been written. The health-care mess isn’t merely the unintentional result of political dysfunction, in other words. It is also the deliberate consequence of the way in which American policymakers have come to think about insurance.

“Moral hazard” is the term economists use to describe the fact that insurance can change the behavior of the person being insured. If your office gives you and your co-workers all the free Pepsi you want—if your employer, in effect, offers universal Pepsi insurance—you’ll drink more Pepsi than you would have otherwise. If you have a no-deductible fire-insurance policy, you may be a little less diligent in clearing the brush away from your house. The savings-and-loan crisis of the nineteen-eighties was created, in large part, by the fact that the federal government insured savings deposits of up to a hundred thousand dollars, and so the newly deregulated S. &L.s made far riskier investments than they would have otherwise. Insurance can have the paradoxical effect of producing risky and wasteful behavior. Economists spend a great deal of time thinking about such moral hazard for good reason. Insurance is an attempt to make human life safer and more secure. But, if those efforts can backfire and produce riskier behavior, providing insurance becomes a much more complicated and problematic endeavor.

In 1968, the economist Mark Pauly argued that moral hazard played an enormous role in medicine, and, as John Nyman writes in his book “The Theory of the Demand for Health Insurance,” Pauly’s paper has become the “single most influential article in the health economics literature.” Nyman, an economist at the University of Minnesota, says that the fear of moral hazard lies behind the thicket of co-payments and deductibles and utilization reviews which characterizes the American health-insurance system. Fear of moral hazard, Nyman writes, also explains “the general lack of enthusiasm by U.S. health economists for the expansion of health insurance coverage (for example, national health insurance or expanded Medicare benefits) in the U.S.

What Nyman is saying is that when your insurance company requires that you make a twenty-dollar co-payment for a visit to the doctor, or when your plan includes an annual five-hundred-dollar or thousand-dollar deductible, it’s not simply an attempt to get you to pick up a larger share of your health costs. It is an attempt to make your use of the health-care system more efficient. Making you responsible for a share of the costs, the argument runs, will reduce moral hazard: you’ll no longer grab one of those free Pepsis when you aren’t really thirsty. That’s also why Nyman says that the notion of moral hazard is behind the “lack of enthusiasm” for expansion of health insurance. If you think of insurance as producing wasteful consumption of medical services, then the fact that there are forty-five million Americans without health insurance is no longer an immediate cause for alarm. After all, it’s not as if the uninsured never go to the doctor. They spend, on average, $934 a year on medical care. A moral-hazard theorist would say that they go to the doctor when they really have to. Those of us with private insurance, by contrast, consume $2,347 worth of health care a year. If a lot of that extra $1,413 is waste, then maybe the uninsured person is the truly efficient consumer of health care.

The moral-hazard argument makes sense, however, only if we consume health care in the same way that we consume other consumer goods, and to economists like Nyman this assumption is plainly absurd. We go to the doctor grudgingly, only because we’re sick. “Moral hazard is overblown,” the Princeton economist Uwe Reinhardt says. “You always hear that the demand for health care is unlimited. This is just not true. People who are very well insured, who are very rich, do you see them check into the hospital because it’s free? Do people really like to go to the doctor? Do they check into the hospital instead of playing golf?”

For that matter, when you have to pay for your own health care, does your consumption really become more efficient? In the late nineteen-seventies, the rand Corporation did an extensive study on the question, randomly assigning families to health plans with co-payment levels at zero per cent, twenty-five per cent, fifty per cent, or ninety-five per cent, up to six thousand dollars. As you might expect, the more that people were asked to chip in for their health care the less care they used. The problem was that they cut back equally on both frivolous care and useful care. Poor people in the high-deductible group with hypertension, for instance, didn’t do nearly as good a job of controlling their blood pressure as those in other groups, resulting in a ten-per-cent increase in the likelihood of death. As a recent Commonwealth Fund study concluded, cost sharing is “a blunt instrument.” Of course it is: how should the average consumer be expected to know beforehand what care is frivolous and what care is useful? I just went to the dermatologist to get moles checked for skin cancer. If I had had to pay a hundred per cent, or even fifty per cent, of the cost of the visit, I might not have gone. Would that have been a wise decision? I have no idea. But if one of those moles really is cancerous, that simple, inexpensive visit could save the health-care system tens of thousands of dollars (not to mention saving me a great deal of heartbreak). The focus on moral hazard suggests that the changes we make in our behavior when we have insurance are nearly always wasteful. Yet, when it comes to health care, many of the things we do only because we have insurance—like getting our moles checked, or getting our teeth cleaned regularly, or getting a mammogram or engaging in other routine preventive care—are anything but wasteful and inefficient. In fact, they are behaviors that could end up saving the health-care system a good deal of money.

Sered and Fernandopulle tell the story of Steve, a factory worker from northern Idaho, with a “grotesquelooking left hand—what looks like a bone sticks out the side.” When he was younger, he broke his hand. “The doctor wanted to operate on it,” he recalls. “And because I didn’t have insurance, well, I was like ‘I ain’t gonna have it operated on.’ The doctor said, ‘Well, I can wrap it for you with an Ace bandage.’ I said, ‘Ahh, let’s do that, then.’ ” Steve uses less health care than he would if he had insurance, but that’s not because he has defeated the scourge of moral hazard. It’s because instead of getting a broken bone fixed he put a bandage on it.

At the center of the Bush Administration’s plan to address the health-insurance mess are Health Savings Accounts, and Health Savings Accounts are exactly what you would come up with if you were concerned, above all else, with minimizing moral hazard. The logic behind them was laid out in the 2004 Economic Report of the President. Americans, the report argues, have too much health insurance: typical plans cover things that they shouldn’t, creating the problem of overconsumption. Several paragraphs are then devoted to explaining the theory of moral hazard. The report turns to the subject of the uninsured, concluding that they fall into several groups. Some are foreigners who may be covered by their countries of origin. Some are people who could be covered by Medicaid but aren’t or aren’t admitting that they are. Finally, a large number “remain uninsured as a matter of choice.” The report continues, “Researchers believe that as many as one-quarter of those without health insurance had coverage available through an employer but declined the coverage. . . . Still others may remain uninsured because they are young and healthy and do not see the need for insurance.” In other words, those with health insurance are overinsured and their behavior is distorted by moral hazard. Those without health insurance use their own money to make decisions about insurance based on an assessment of their needs. The insured are wasteful. The uninsured are prudent. So what’s the solution? Make the insured a little bit more like the uninsured.

Under the Health Savings Accounts system, consumers are asked to pay for routine health care with their own money—several thousand dollars of which can be put into a tax-free account. To handle their catastrophic expenses, they then purchase a basic health-insurance package with, say, a thousand-dollar annual deductible. As President Bush explained recently, “Health Savings Accounts all aim at empowering people to make decisions for themselves, owning their own health-care plan, and at the same time bringing some demand control into the cost of health care.”

The country described in the President’s report is a very different place from the country described in “Uninsured in America.” Sered and Fernandopulle look at the billions we spend on medical care and wonder why Americans have so little insurance. The President’s report considers the same situation and worries that we have too much. Sered and Fernandopulle see the lack of insurance as a problem of poverty; a third of the uninsured, after all, have incomes below the federal poverty line. In the section on the uninsured in the President’s report, the word “poverty” is never used. In the Administration’s view, people are offered insurance but “decline the coverage” as “a matter of choice.” The uninsured in Sered and Fernandopulle’s book decline coverage, but only because they can’t afford it. Gina, for instance, works for a beauty salon that offers her a bare-bones health-insurance plan with a thousand-dollar deductible for two hundred dollars a month. What’s her total income? Nine hundred dollars a month. She could “choose” to accept health insurance, but only if she chose to stop buying food or paying the rent.

The biggest difference between the two accounts, though, has to do with how each views the function of insurance. Gina, Steve, and Loretta are ill, and need insurance to cover the costs of getting better. In their eyes, insurance is meant to help equalize financial risk between the healthy and the sick. In the insurance business, this model of coverage is known as “social insurance,” and historically it was the way health coverage was conceived. If you were sixty and had heart disease and diabetes, you didn’t pay substantially more for coverage than a perfectly healthy twenty-five-year-old. Under social insurance, the twenty-five-year-old agrees to pay thousands of dollars in premiums even though he didn’t go to the doctor at all in the previous year, because he wants to make sure that someone else will subsidize his health care if he ever comes down with heart disease or diabetes. Canada and Germany and Japan and all the other industrialized nations with universal health care follow the social-insurance model. Medicare, too, is based on the social-insurance model, and, when Americans with Medicare report themselves to be happier with virtually every aspect of their insurance coverage than people with private insurance (as they do, repeatedly and overwhelmingly), they are referring to the social aspect of their insurance. They aren’t getting better care. But they are getting something just as valuable: the security of being insulated against the financial shock of serious illness.

There is another way to organize insurance, however, and that is to make it actuarial. Car insurance, for instance, is actuarial. How much you pay is in large part a function of your individual situation and history: someone who drives a sports car and has received twenty speeding tickets in the past two years pays a much higher annual premium than a soccer mom with a minivan. In recent years, the private insurance industry in the United States has been moving toward the actuarial model, with profound consequences. The triumph of the actuarial model over the social-insurance model is the reason that companies unlucky enough to employ older, high-cost employees—like United Airlines—have run into such financial difficulty. It’s the reason that automakers are increasingly moving their operations to Canada. It’s the reason that small businesses that have one or two employees with serious illnesses suddenly face unmanageably high health-insurance premiums, and it’s the reason that, in many states, people suffering from a potentially high-cost medical condition can’t get anyone to insure them at all.

Health Savings Accounts represent the final, irrevocable step in the actuarial direction. If you are preoccupied with moral hazard, then you want people to pay for care with their own money, and, when you do that, the sick inevitably end up paying more than the healthy. And when you make people choose an insurance plan that fits their individual needs, those with significant medical problems will choose expensive health plans that cover lots of things, while those with few health problems will choose cheaper, bare-bones plans. The more expensive the comprehensive plans become, and the less expensive the bare-bones plans become, the more the very sick will cluster together at one end of the insurance spectrum, and the more the well will cluster together at the low-cost end. The days when the healthy twenty-five-year-old subsidizes the sixty-year-old with heart disease or diabetes are coming to an end. “The main effect of putting more of it on the consumer is to reduce the social redistributive element of insurance,” the Stanford economist Victor Fuchs says. Health Savings Accounts are not a variant of universal health care. In their governing assumptions, they are the antithesis of universal health care.

The issue about what to do with the health-care system is sometimes presented as a technical argument about the merits of one kind of coverage over another or as an ideological argument about socialized versus private medicine. It is, instead, about a few very simple questions. Do you think that this kind of redistribution of risk is a good idea? Do you think that people whose genes predispose them to depression or cancer, or whose poverty complicates asthma or diabetes, or who get hit by a drunk driver, or who have to keep their mouths closed because their teeth are rotting ought to bear a greater share of the costs of their health care than those of us who are lucky enough to escape such misfortunes? In the rest of the industrialized world, it is assumed that the more equally and widely the burdens of illness are shared, the better off the population as a whole is likely to be. The reason the United States has forty-five million people without coverage is that its health-care policy is in the hands of people who disagree, and who regard health insurance not as the solution but as the problem.

August 22, 2005

Aetna and the California Medical Association are off target

Cover Yourself!
Op-Ed
By Jack Lewin, M.D. and Ronald Williams
(Dr. Lewin is CEO of the California Medical Association. Mr. Williams is president of Aetna.)
Wall Street Journal
August 19, 2005

With 45 million Americans uninsured, achieving universal access to health care may seem daunting, but it’s not impossible. Encouraging work is underway in California to aid employers who don’t provide insurance to voluntarily expand primary and preventive care, and the innovative coverage options targeting groups such as students and part-time employees show great promise.

Employer-based coverage is beneficial and should be preserved. But the environment is changing and costs are crippling the system. Under an individual-coverage requirement, many more Americans would benefit from the private-sector health care that most enjoy currently in our employer-based system. This would foster the adoption of consumer-directed health plans, which typically include high-deductible plan features. These new plans create greater awareness of health-care costs by providing consumers with better information about available treatment options, including the cost of these services. Consumers then can make the treatment choices that are right for them without the third-party disconnect that divorces the consumer from costs.

With an individual-coverage requirement, people who want more comprehensive coverage and can afford the higher premiums could choose to buy it.

As it is, state legislatures are still mandating costly new benefits for insured persons, destabilizing employer coverage and, as a result, increasing the number of uninsured.

We urge the state legislatures and Congress to approach this debate with an open mind as the access to care debate intensifies. At the very least, let’s study and analyze this concept to determine whether its practical application can work to unite us in our quest to solve the persistent problem of the uninsured.

The status quo is the worst possible strategy. We need a new approach to financing universal access that is more practical and affordable, while still socially responsible and ethical.

http://www.calphys.org/html/editorials01.asp

Comment: Dr. Lewin has long been a passionate advocate of health care coverage for all. He shares with us the frustrations of observing the profound escalation in costs without a commensurate increase in coverage. He is well informed on the options, but is partnering with the private insurance industry the right choice?

This joint op-ed states that “the innovative coverage options targeting groups such as students and part-time employees show great promise.” Great promise? Many of these “innovative” products do not provide even bare-bones coverage, and it should be a criminal act to even imply that they are insurance products.

The op-ed also states that “people who want more comprehensive coverage and can afford the higher premiums could choose to buy it.” With current trends, this equates to a statement that you can qualify for services such as joint replacement only if you are willing and able to pay for coverage. For those who say that joint replacement would be covered, we should ask then what would be left out?

In addition, the op-ed mentions the “third-party disconnect that divorces the consumer from costs.” This is code language for requiring the patient to pay out-of-pocket as a mechanism of relieving the insurance intermediary of its responsibility to insure against loss. That impairs access due to lack of affordability.

The op-ed calls for study and analysis, as long as the solution is a consumer-directed, individual mandate that protects insurers while leaving patients exposed to financial disaster. Although more studies will continue - indefinitely - enough have been completed to draw conclusions about the perversities of this approach. For those who believe that they need more study, I would suggest reading, as a few sources, Health Affairs, Kaiser Daily Health Policy Report, The Commonwealth Fund, Families USA, National Coalition on Health Care, Physicians for a National Health Program, Consumers Union, and a Google search of the issue. Just be careful to separate health policy science from ideology (theirs and ours).

The authors are certainly correct when they state that “we need a new approach to financing universal access that is more practical and affordable, while still socially responsible and ethical.” We are already spending enough to do that, but, sadly, their model is not socially responsible.

August 19, 2005

National health-insurance bill backed

Measure calls for public financing
By Paul Wilson
pawilson@courier-journal.com
The (Louisville) Courier-Journal
Wednesday, August 17, 2005

The director of the Louisville Metro Health Department and others called last night for single-payer health insurance — described as Medicare for everyone — to ensure quality medical care for all Americans.

“Health care is about life and death, and it should not be driven by market factors,” said Dr. Adewale Troutman, speaking to about 15 people at a community forum at the Braden Center, 3208 W. Broadway.

“This is an issue of human rights and social justice,” he added.
Troutman said that more than 40 million Americans have no health insurance — and that millions more are underinsured.

Troutman was joined by Dr. Garrett Adams, president of Kentucky’s Physicians for a National Health Care Program, and Kay Tillow, coordinator of Kentuckians for Single Payer Health Insurance, in support of legislation introduced this year by U.S. Rep. John Conyers, D-Mich., that would make health care “publicly financed but privately delivered.”

Under Conyers’ bill, health care would be administered by the federal government, not by insurance companies, which Adams described as parasites on U.S. health care.

“As the number of uninsured grows, the number of administrators grow,” Adams said. “Is that right?”

About 50 House members joined Conyers in co-sponsoring the bill.

But U.S. Rep. Anne Northup of Louisville, who represents Kentucky’s 3rd District, said a nationalized health system would bankrupt the country and lower the quality of care.

Critics also say that countries with national health care, such as Canada, drive doctors away, and sometimes require patients to wait years for some procedures.

Troutman dismissed both concerns as unfounded.

After hearing the presentation, Ruth Weathers of western Louisville called the single-payer idea “superb.”

She said her husband died when she was 40 — 25 years before she was eligible for health insurance from Medicare.

No longer covered by her husband’s insurance, Weathers worked two part-time jobs to pay for medical coverage.

But she wondered about the chances of Conyers’ legislation passing.

“It’s possible, but probable?” Weathers asked.

“We’ve got a long way to go, especially with this government that’s more concerned with haves than have-nots.”

Employer-sponsored HMOs signal financial disaster

Health Benefits May Cost 12% More
By Kristen Hallam
Hartford Courant
August 16, 2005

American companies may have to pay an average of 12.6 percent more for their employees’ health insurance next year, according to a survey by Hewitt Associates, a leading benefits consultant.

Humana Inc. plans the largest increase, 23.6 percent, and nonprofit Kaiser Permanente the smallest at 10.4 percent, Hewitt found in a survey of employers. The rates are for health maintenance organizations, plans that cover 20 percent of privately insured Americans.

40 percent of employers are proposing to shift more medical costs to workers in the form of higher deductibles and a larger share of premiums, according to the Hewitt survey.

The Hewitt data suggest that employers’ health costs next year may climb at almost five times the U.S. inflation rate.

WellPoint Inc., the biggest U.S. provider of health insurance, is planning an average rate increase of 16.7 percent for employers, the Hewitt survey found.

CIGNA Corp., whose health insurance operations are based in Bloomfield, said earlier this month that about 80 percent of requests from employers are for information about plans that shift a bigger share of costs to workers. CIGNA plans to raise premiums 12.3 percent, the Hewitt survey found.

“You do double-digit increases year over year over year, and we’re now looking at costs of health care going up 80 percent in the last six years,”
said Paul Harris, senior health strategist at Hewitt.

http://www.courant.com/business/hc-insurancerates.artaug16,0,2934551.story?coll=hc-headlines-business

Comment: Although this report is limited to the costs of employer-sponsored HMOs, it is particularly relevant for two reasons. HMOs are designed to provide comprehensive health care services, at least in theory, so HMO premiums reflect more closely the true costs of comprehensive health services than do PPO plans which require greater cost sharing while providing fewer benefits. The other reason that this report is especially relevant is that it reflects pricing resulting from employer/insurer negotiations and therefore represents the lowest premiums attainable for comprehensive coverage, typically about 30% lower than the individual market for comparable benefits.

Our current system of funding health care has placed America’s employers in the front seat in controlling health care cost escalation. But they’re driving us off a cliff!

It’s really not the employers’ fault. They have little control over the structural flaws that are resulting in the outrageous increases in health care costs. It will take a unified system of funding care to bring the system under control. Only then could we hope to effectively tackle problems such as those demonstrated by Wennberg (regional excesses in high-tech capacity) and Starfield (lack of an adequate primary care infrastructure that would improve quality while reducing costs). Only then would we have true monopsonistic power (single purchaser) to demand value for our health care investment (a beneficent power as long as it is our own public monopsony).

General Motors, as the largest private purchaser of health benefits, recognizes that they cannot stop a system headed toward a cliff, and that we need a “national solution.” Imagine what we could do with the nearly $2 trillion we are spending on health care if only we had a rational, national program of health insurance. Comprehensive, high quality care for everyone:
it doesn’t have to be just a dream.

August 18, 2005

Celebrate New York's victory, but get back to work!

N.Y. Council Backs Benefits Bill
By Amy Joyce
The Washington Post
August 18, 2005

The New York City Council yesterday passed a measure requiring most stores that sell groceries to provide a set level of health care coverage for their workers in a move aimed at forcing companies such as Whole Foods Market Inc. and Wal-Mart Stores Inc. to change their labor practices.

In New York, 46 of the council’s 51 members voted in favor of the bill, with one member against it. It would require any grocery store with 35 or more employees or other retail stores with 10,000 square feet or more of floor space for food items to contribute $2.50 to $3 for health care for each hour an employee works. That is the average amount that employers in the New York grocery industry that provide health care currently contribute.

Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg (Rep) is expected to veto the measure. It takes 34 votes to override a mayoral veto.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/08/17/AR2005081701892.html

Comment: The New York City Council should be commended for passing this beneficial measure. Advocates of incremental reform can chalk this one up as a significant victory. Any measure that expands health care coverage should receive the support of all of us.

Although this measure is a definite step forward, it does fall far short of what needs to be done. Perhaps the most important failure is that 90% of the uninsured in New York City will not benefit from this measure. Much more must be done to achieve the goal of universal coverage.

Another important issue is that New York has a regulatory and legislative environment that has required insurers to offer products that are readily available and relatively effective in providing financial security for those with health care needs. This means that insurance premiums are very high in New York because those with needs are included in the insurance risk pools.

Because of our fragmented system of funding health care, New York has little control over escalating global health care costs. Affordability is a major concern to all payers, yet New York and the rest of the nation can do little about it since our fragmented system has relied largely on market forces to control costs. Sadly, the U.S. experiment in private coverage has proven that market forces in health care are not only ineffective, but they have been quite perverse. A strong regulatory environment dampens the perversities, but still falls far short on equity, access, universality, efficiency and the camel-back-breaking straw - affordability.

We need a system that provides mechanisms of containing costs and ensuring that we are receiving quality and value for our health care investment. We need a system that provides access and coverage for everyone. We need a system that is funded equitably. Incremental tweaks of our fragmented system, no matter how beneficial they are, will never get us there. We really do need a single payer system.

August 17, 2005

Taking away choice

Pick and Lose
By Jonathan Cohn
The New Republic
August 22, 2005

Has any word done more to cloak the modern conservative agenda than “choice”?

…what conservatives in this country never mention is that giving us these new choices also means taking something away—typically, programs that make us more secure.

Health care… may be the most vivid example of this. And a new bill quietly moving through Congress this summer shows why. It is called—what else?—the Health Care Choice Act. Sponsored by Representative John Shadegg of Arizona and endorsed by everybody from The Wall Street Journal editorial page to the Cato Institute, it was voted out of committee late last month. With both Speaker Dennis Hastert and Bush now embracing it, it seems destined for approval by the full House soon, though its fate in the Senate remains uncertain.

At first blush, Shadegg’s proposal seems utterly sensible. Today, if you are trying to buy an insurance policy for yourself or your family on the open market—i.e., if you don’t get coverage through your employer—you can buy only policies sold within your state. Your state, in turn, has set minimum standards for everything from the services insurers cover to the way insurers set their prices. Shadegg’s bill would obliterate that system: You would be allowed to buy any policy sold anywhere in the country, even if it doesn’t conform to your home state’s rules. So, if you live in Massachusetts, where policies tend to be relatively expensive in part because they have strict regulations, you could buy your coverage from Missouri, where they are generally cheaper thanks to looser guidelines.

Ideally, the bill’s supporters say, people would shop for insurance the same way they shop for consumer goods: online, comparing products and prices, and then deciding on the package that best suits their needs.

Lovely—except that health insurance isn’t just another sweater you can return to L.L. Bean if it arrives with holes in it.

There would also be a “race to the bottom,” as even the legitimate insurers would flock to the states with the most lax regulations about solvency and marketing practices… Even in those states determined to be vigilant, this move would render local rules on health insurance irrelevant.

Getting rid of those regulations, of course, is precisely what Shadegg and his allies have in mind, since they think needless state regulations are responsible for making health insurance so expensive in the first place. But along with regulations guaranteeing coverage of podiatry or acupuncture are mandates to cover cancer screening, psychiatric treatment, and other services that most Americans rightly deem essential. Other regulations are designed to prohibit insurance companies from discriminating among customers based on age or propensity for illness.

Do all of these rules drive up insurance rates, particularly for healthy people relatively unlikely to consume expensive medical services?

Absolutely. But they do so in order to make insurance more affordable for people who need intensive medical services—the ones who arguably need insurance coverage most of all. Get rid of the rules, and some of these people will have no choices at all. (Shadegg and others would theoretically address this need by supporting “high-risk” pools. But such pools, which exist in about two-thirds of the states, have proved woefully inadequate, typically offering skimpy coverage and charging higher premiums.)

That’s not to say the market for individual health insurance works particularly well. Large companies can spread the cost of insurance among all of their workers, thus securing relatively affordable coverage for them without restrictions on medical conditions. Individuals cannot do this, which is why their coverage is so ludicrously expensive and hard to obtain, even with the regulations.

But the best way to fix this isn’t to gut existing regulations. It’s to create one big pool of beneficiaries through some kind of universal health insurance system—whether it’s one that allows people to pick from among well-regulated private health plans (like President Clinton once proposed) or one that simply bypasses insurance companies altogether, giving consumers direct, affordable access to the doctors and hospitals they like best (like many European nations already do). Those aren’t the kind of choices that conservatives want to give Americans, since they happen to require expanding government. But they’re the kind of choices Americans would appreciate most.

http://www.tnr.com/doc.mhtml?pt=qCmennIQV1XefN%2BzenOwyX%3D%3D

Comment: In order to gain market share, many insurers are now offering plans with competitive premiums, made possible only by shifting much of the responsibility of paying for care to the individual patient through reduced benefits and increased cost sharing. Since these plans do not provide adequate financial security for those with significant health care needs, many states have enacted appropriate laws and regulations to ensure that insurance insures against financial loss. Shadegg’s bill would effectively replace existing state regulations with the regulations of the state with the least restrictive oversight. Can you imagine the race to the bottom as various states compete to be the home state of national insurers by abolishing essentially all effective regulatory oversight?

These “affordable” policies may be satisfactory for the majority who are healthy, but they won’t work for the minority with significant health care needs and who are responsible for much of our health care spending.

Concentrating high-cost individuals into a single pool will make insurance truly unaffordable for almost all individuals. So how do we fund these high-risk pools? There is only one way, and that is by spreading risk through the tax system.

Shadegg’s “affordable” coverage is a fraud since individuals purchasing these cheap policies will have to pay, through the tax system, the balance of the “premium” that would be required to fund comprehensive coverage. But this increased fragmentation of our irrational system of funding care would expose many more to insolvency, and, worse, to suffering and death due to impaired access to care.

Are our representatives in Congress going to join in on the Shadegg shag, or are they going to get serious about fixing the way we fund health care?
That’s a choice that really matters.

August 16, 2005

UCLA study of California insurance a lesson for all

The State of Health Insurance in California: Findings from the 2003 California Health Interview Survey
By E. Richard Brown, PhD, Shana Alex Lavarreda, MPP, Thomas Rice, PhD, Jennifer R. Kincheloe, PhD, MPH and Melissa S. Gatchell, MPH
UCLA Center for Health Policy Research
August 2005

More than one in five nonelderly Californians lacked some form of health insurance coverage for all or part of the year in 2003 - nearly 6.6 million children and adults under age 65, which is more people than the entire population of the state of Massachusetts.

Employment-based insurance coverage

Job-based coverage is still the foundation of California’s health insurance system, albeit a crumbling one. A majority of nonelderly adults get their coverage through their own or a family member’s employment, but the decline in employment-based health insurance in 2003 suggests that the long-term erosion of this foundation will continue.

Growth in the Medi-Cal and Healthy Families Programs from 2001 to 2003

Between 2001 and 2003, the growth in enrollment in Medi-Cal and Healthy Families (SCHIP) offset much of the loss in job-based coverage.

The access and health consequences of coverage

Periods of intermittent or continuous uninsurance have serious consequences for an individual’s access to important health care services. For persons with insurance, access is also affected by the type of coverage they have.

Conclusion

Bold steps are needed to effectively control the growth in health care costs for all income groups, thus avoiding the potential consequence of bare-bones insurance coverage that is likely to increase the burden of medical care costs on moderate- and lower-income families and individuals, and reduce their access to necessary medical care. Most other economically developed nations have more effectively and equitably controlled the growth in their health care spending, most through some combination of “all-payer” or “single-payer” management of paying for health care. Until the United States, as a whole, or California, in a leadership role, adopts effective controls over the health care spending, we can expect to see a continuing, and even accelerating, erosion of employment-based insurance.

There are some valuable immediate and longer-term steps that California can take to cover the uninsured. Expanding coverage for children represents the relatively low-hanging fruit because it is relatively modest and builds on the longstanding commitment of State and Federal policy makers-and the public-to assure health insurance and access to care for all children.

Additional measures that would cover adults are more challenging, both fiscally and politically. Nevertheless, bold leadership will be needed to address this widespread, serious and growing problem. The dialogue created by pay-or-play, the proposal for an individual mandate, and the proposed single-payer system offer an opportunity to engage the public in a fruitful discussion and begin building a political consensus on the direction that California should take to cover all of its residents.

http://www.healthpolicy.ucla.edu/pubs/files/SHIC03_RT_081505.pdf

Comment: Although there is modest variation in demographics and policies amongst the various states, California does represent a microcosm, albeit one with the population size of Canada, of the flawed model of health care funding in the United States. As state and national policymakers consider various options for reform, much can be learned from this important UCLA study of the state of health insurance in California. In this 84 page report, the authors identify the flaws in our fragmented system of health insurance, and they discuss options for reform.

The report mentions modest programs and proposals that could expand coverage, but concedes that “California needs to take some much bolder steps to address this very large and growing uninsured population.” Three major policy strategies are discussed: 1) a “pay or play” requirement imposed on employers and employees; 2) an individual mandate that would require each California resident to demonstrate that he or she has coverage; and 3) legislation to consolidate all health care payment sources into a publicly run single-payer health insurance system that would replace private health insurance as we know it.

Single payer advocates will be interested in their comments on the single payer option, as follows:

“The third alternative is to replace the fragmented private health insurance system with a publicly run “single-payer” health care system that would provide coverage to all Californians. Long a goal of many health advocates, single-payer proposals have been repeatedly introduced in the California Legislature, including proposals by Republican Governor Earl Warren in the 1940s and more recent proposals sponsored by Health Access, a consumer advocacy group. In the last several years, Senator Sheila Kuehl (D, Santa Monica) has been the author of the current single-payer bill, SB 840 (in the previous legislative session: SB 921). Under SB 840, taxes would replace all deductibles and premiums, and the government would become the sole payer of all health insurance benefits. Employers and employees would pay more progressive taxes to a State trust fund rather than premiums to health insurance companies. The bill also shifts reimbursement for hospitals and other providers back to fee-for-service, which would provide relief on the supply side of the health care system. There is considerable evidence that Senator Kuehl’s proposal would dramatically reduce the high administrative costs of the current system and that the enormous purchasing power of such a state program would enable it to reduce the costs of prescription drugs and medical devices.

“There are many features of a single-payer system that are attractive to health policy analysts as well as to the advocates. First, a universal single-payer system would sever the dependence of health insurance on employment. As workers change or lose jobs, their health insurance coverage and that of their family would not be affected. Second, a single-payer system would facilitate more effective cost control. As noted above, a unified single insurance plan would reduce the high administrative costs associated with the current churning and changing of coverage, as well as the myriad payment rates and systems that are expensive to administer for providers of care and for payers alike. By consolidating the purchasing power of all residents in the state, such a plan also could exert greater control over both the prices that health care suppliers charge and the rate of growth in health care costs. Third, having a single source of health care financing would effectively address the problems that patients and health care providers face with currently fragmented sources of coverage. It would reduce the frequent confusion that individuals and families face about what is covered and what is not, what providers they can use and which ones they cannot use.

“Nevertheless, a single-payer system has its critics, and a number of serious criticisms have been leveled against it. Just as markets can fail, so can government. According to Charles Wolf, government faces a number of challenges, including the fact that it is, by nature, monopolistic and does not have to adhere to bottom-line profit and loss signals.

“Government agencies are overseen by politicians who are more likely to look for quick fixes than for long-term solutions. This means that the public policies developed may fail to achieve all of the goals of efficiency and equity associated with single-payer - although such a system would almost certainly be more efficient and equitable than the current market-dominated one. Public control creates the conditions for more accountability to the public’s interests, but the controlling executive and legislative branches of government are subject to political influence that can constrain the efficiency and effectiveness of a public agency, often on behalf of the special interests that deal with the subordinate government agency.

“The political challenges are equally formidable. Even though many researchers have shown that single-payer systems can save money, this is a difficult sell to the public, particularly in the U.S. where interest groups are largely responsible for the funding of political campaigns. Perhaps the main hurdle is the fact that even if total health care expenditures would be lower under a single-payer system, government expenditures - and therefore, taxes - would be higher since the vast majority of health spending would be from the public sector. It has proven difficult to successfully persuade the public that they might spend less overall because their higher taxes could be more than offset by larger take-home wages when employers no longer have to pay the additional fringe benefits associated with employer-based health insurance. Indeed, this was the experience in California in 1994 when Proposition 186, a single-payer initiative, was rejected by nearly three-quarters of the electorate.”

http://www.healthpolicy.ucla.edu/pubs/files/SHIC03_RT_081505.pdf

Beth Capell, PhD, policy consultant for Health Access, has frequently made the point that, once we are fortunate enough to have enacted a single payer system, the political effort required to maintain and improve the system will have only just begun.

The Promise and the Pitfalls of Health Savings Accounts

By Michelle Andrews
The New York Times
August 14, 2005

Health savings accounts, a sort of I.R.A. for health care, let people set aside money tax-free to pay for medical expenses, both now and later. But the accounts have been controversial since their introduction in January 2004.

Depending on whom you ask, they are either a wonderful tool to help Americans become wiser, more price-conscious health care consumers, or just another way for employers to pass along more health care expenses to their workers. Critics also contend that the accounts are basically a tax-shelter gimmick for people who are healthy and wealthy enough to invest in them but don’t have to rely on them to cover their care costs.

Most businesses have not yet offered the accounts as an option in their insurance plans. But as health costs continue to climb, some businesses and individuals are more curious to try the idea. Since they were established under the 2003 law that set up a prescription drug benefit for Medicare, more than 425,000 accounts have been established, according to a survey of administrators by Inside Consumer-Directed Care, a newsletter based in Washington, and more than 50,000 are being opened each month.

Nearly a year and a half into the experience, however, it is becoming clear that while the accounts may be a reasonable option for some people, there are potential drawbacks.

A health savings account must be paired with a health plan that meets certain criteria, including a deductible of at least $1,000 for individuals and $2,000 for families. Some employers offer them, although individuals can also apply for a qualifying health plan and open one of these accounts on their own.

Individuals can deposit money into their accounts to cover the deductible and other medical expenses, and employers can also deposit money for employees. Generally, the account balance earns interest, though some accounts allow holders to invest the money in mutual funds or other vehicles.

If an employee leaves his job, the money in his health savings account stays with him. And these accounts, unlike flexible spending arrangements, have no “use it or lose it” rule, so the funds roll over from one year to the next. An account holder pays no tax on withdrawn funds as long as they are used to pay for qualified medical expenses. If the money is used for any other expenses, it is subject to income tax and, for those under 65, to a 10 percent penalty.

Some people are discovering downsides to the accounts. Ric Joyner, president of the National Association of Professional Benefits Administrators, says he has received frequent calls from companies and individuals interested in setting up the accounts. But lately, Mr. Joyner, who is also president of eflexgroup.com, a benefits administration company in Madison, Wis., says he has been getting calls from people complaining that their account balances are shrinking even though they have not used the money.

“The money they’re setting aside for health care is being eaten up by fees,” he said.

Typically, the companies that administer the accounts charge a set-up fee of around $20, plus a monthly fee of about $2 or $3. They may also charge an annual fee, as well as a transaction fee every time a customer writes a check or uses the account’s debit card. Some charge a fee to close an account.

American Health Value, an administrator of health savings accounts, charges a one-time, $15 fee to open an account, and $36 annually to administer it. There is also a $2.50 monthly service charge, which is waived if the balance is more than $2,500.

In the early years of an account, when the balance is typically low, fees can take a relatively big bite out of the total. A new customer with American Health Value who deposited $1,000 during the first year, for example, could expect to pay $45 in fees ($15 to set up the account and $30 for 12 months of service charges at $2.50 each). That $45 far exceeds the $7.50 that the customer would have earned in an interest-bearing account, based on the 0.75 percent now being paid on balances of up to $1,000.

“Unless employers are putting a bunch of money in, I really don’t see how these balances are going to get much bigger,” said Gary Claxton, vice president of the Kaiser Family Foundation, a health care research and education company in Menlo Park, Calif. Some companies permit an account holder to invest the balance in stocks or mutual funds, though a certain minimum balance - say, a few thousand dollars - may be required to do so. Such investments, of course, offer a chance for greater returns - but also the risk of losing money.

There are also ceilings, indexed to inflation, on annual contributions: in 2005, it is the lower of the deductible or $2,650 for individuals and $5,250 for families. Account holders who are 55 or over can also make catch-up deposits. In 2005, the ceiling is $600; it rises gradually to $1,000 in 2009.

But even if you deposit the maximum amounts and don’t touch the money to pay for health care before you are 65, you won’t accumulate enough to cover medical expenses in old age, according to an analysis by the Employee Benefit Research Institute, a nonprofit research organization based in Washington. In a model created by the institute, a 55-year-old who set aside the annual maximum - as well as catch-up contributions - starting in 2004 would save $44,000 in 10 years, assuming a 5 percent return. If that person lived to 80 and had retiree health coverage, he would need anywhere from $137,000 to $337,000 to cover premiums and out-of-pocket medical expenses, according to the institute’s analysis.

Investing in a health savings account at an earlier age won’t solve the problem, said Paul Fronstin, the institute’s director of health research and education and a co-author of the report.

“The gap is only going to get larger,” he said, “because of the way that health care costs are increasing compared to how much you can put in.”

THE amount saved is not the only concern. There are other wrinkles that can trip up consumers. For example, health savings accounts cannot be used with many flexible spending arrangements offered by employers.

In addition, some states have laws that conflict with health savings accounts. Those laws may require, for example, that certain types of medical care be covered under plans before the deductible is applied. States have until Jan. 1 to bring their laws into line with the federal law, and many have done so already.

Prescription drug coverage poses a problem for many people who are considering whether to open health savings accounts. Starting in January, many prescription drug expenses in qualified plans will be subject to the deductible. Now, consumers typically pay only a portion of the drug costs from the outset.

Mr. Joyner said the idea of paying more out of pocket for prescription drugs made his employees reject the idea of health savings accounts. “They didn’t like it that there wasn’t going to be a drug card,” he said.

Many major insurers and banks now offer the accounts to individuals and companies. But details like fees and investment options vary widely, as do the basics of the accompanying health plans. “The biggest drawback about H.S.A.’s is that they can be very confusing,” said Martha Priddy Patterson, a director for Deloitte Consulting.

Because these accounts are still relatively new, and changing fast, the best advice may be to read the fine print before opening one.

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/14/business/yourmoney/14health.html

August 15, 2005

Thorpe's NCHC report on the costs of comprehensive reform

A previous Quote of the Day provided a link to Prof. Kenneth Thorpe’s PowerPoint presentation of his study of the costs of four models of universal health care coverage. The National Coalition on Health Care has now released a formal report of Thorpe’s analysis:

Impacts of Health Care Reform: Projections of Costs and Savings
By Kenneth E. Thorpe, Ph.D.
National Coalition on Health Care
August 2005

Summary of the Coalition’s Specifications:

1. Health Care Coverage for All
2. Cost Management
3. Improvement of Health Care Quality and Safety
4. Equitable Financing
5. Simplified Administration

Viable options for insuring all Americans:

Scenario 1: employer mandates (supplemented with individual mandates as necessary)
Scenario 2: expansion of existing public programs that cover subsets of the uninsured
Scenario 3: creation of new programs targeted at subsets of the uninsured (FEHBP model)
Scenario 4: establishment of a universal publicly financed program (single payer)

In sum, a reformed health care system - reformed, that is, along the lines recommended by the members of the National Coalition on Health Care - would cost our nation much less money than an unreformed system. What should also be clear from this analysis is that a reformed system would produce more value than an unreformed system - by guaranteeing health insurance for all Americans, by increasing the efficiency of the health care sector, and by improving the quality and safety of the care that patients receive.

http://www.nchc.org/materials/studies/Thorpe%20booklet.pdf

Comment: This study demonstrates that, over the next decade, each of the first three scenarios would reduce health care costs by about one-third of a trillion dollars, whereas the single payer model would reduce costs by over $1.1 trillion. Clearly, this study confirms that reform is imperative, and that the onus for convincing the nation that the single payer model should be rejected has been placed on supporters of the alternative models.

This important report should be downloaded and used in your advocacy for a better health care system for all.

August 12, 2005

Another report on medical debt

Seeing Red: Americans Driven into Debt by Medical Bills
By Michelle M. Doty, Jennifer N. Edwards, and Alyssa L. Holmgren
The Commonwealth Fund
August 2005

ABSTRACT: New analysis of the 2003 Commonwealth Fund Biennial Health Insurance Survey reveals that an estimated 77 million Americans age 19 and older - nearly two of five (37%) adults - have difficulty paying medical bills, have accrued medical debt, or both. Working-age adults incur significantly higher rates of medical bill and debt problems than adults 65 and older, with rates highest among the uninsured. Even working-age adults who are continually insured have problems paying their medical bills and have medical debt. Unpaid medical bills and medical debt can limit access to health care: two-thirds of people with a medical bill or debt problem went without needed care because of cost - nearly three times the rate of those without these financial problems.

http://www.cmwf.org/usr_doc/Medical_bills_FINAL.pdf

And…

Weighing your health plan choices
Consumer Reports
September 2005

Billing remains a pain for PPO members. Among those who contacted their health plan (56 percent of HMO members and 58 percent of PPO members), 63 percent in PPOs said they had to contact their plan about bill or claim status… And PPO enrollees experienced more difficulties with customer support, complaining that they had to phone or write the plan repeatedly and that solving the problem took an unreasonable amount of time.

http://www.consumerreports.org/main/content/display_report.jsp?FOLDER%3C%3Efolder_id=763363&ASSORTMENT%3C%3East_id=333141&bmUID=1123779022633

Comment: The Commonwealth Fund report adds to the plethora of health policy studies confirming that: (1) ameliorating medical debt has become a major health policy challenge, (2) medical debt impairs access to care, and (3) even continuous coverage with private insurance is failing to provide adequate protection against medical debt with the resultant adverse impact on health care access. Though there is nothing really new here, there are a couple of other points worth considering.

Although Medicare covers only about one-half of costs for those over 65 with their greater health care needs, it has done a better job of protecting against medical debt than the fragmented system for those under 65. Though some protection for the retired is afforded by pension funds, the much larger incomes of the workforce are not adequate to compensate for the deficiencies of private coverage. Obviously a universal Medicare program with expanded benefits would be much more effective in preventing medical debt.

Although private insurers are failing miserably in their function of preventing medical debt, some argue that they still serve a purpose in providing administrative functions such as claims processing. The very high costs of health care administration have been well documented. And what are we getting for this? Nearly two-thirds of PPO patients experience unsatisfactory administrative support for claims processing!

We pay an exorbitant amount to insurers but are receiving only inadequate reduction of risk exposure and incompetent administrative services. Why do we continue to nurture the private insurance industry at the cost of the patients who do need care?

August 09, 2005

Alberta's Premier Klein supports better access for those willing to pay

Opening access to health care is a moral duty, says Klein
By Ralph Klein, Premier of Alberta
Calgary Herald
July 30, 2005
Opinion

Let me be blunt. We have unacceptable waiting lists in our publicly funded, rationed health-care system, and all the money in the world is not going to eliminate them.

The answer is not more money; the answer is more choice.

Choice can be found in a supplementary insurance plan to privately fund non-emergency medical services…

In simple terms it means that if you are in pain or suffering and cannot wait in line, you should be able to buy the health care you need.

Not jump the line, but move out of the line. Move out of the publicly-funded health-care system and into an expanded parallel system that has more capacity to end your pain and suffering, but to do so at your own cost.

http://www.canada.com/calgary/calgaryherald/index.html

Systemic fix
Calgary Herald
August 6, 2005
Letters

Health Care: Ralph Klein states that “all the money in the world” is not going to eliminate waiting lists, unless the source of the funds is private instead of public. What nonsense. An MRI machine or surgical bed is no different whether paid for by private or public dollars.

Excessive queues are eliminated by making minor, selective adjustments in the system’s capacity. Compared to the global costs of establishing and maintaining a health-care system, these adjustments are negligible.

Responsible stewards of any health-care system, public or private, will make these adjustments. The difference is the public system would be adapted to accommodate everyone, whereas private systems accommodate only those who can pay.

By failing to tweak the system’s capacity, Klein has confirmed he is an irresponsible steward of Alberta’s public system. He should consider resigning to accept a position as a health-care executive in the U.S. Our grand experiment with his preferred private system has demonstrated that we are capable of spending almost $2 trillion without allowing the 45 million uninsured to have any position in the queue.

All systems ration care. Excessive rationing due to limited capacity is easily remedied. Rationing by ability to pay results in suffering and death. We know which model of rationing Klein prefers, but which model do Albertans prefer?

Don R. McCanne, M.D.
San Juan Capistrano, Calif.

Don McCanne is a senior health policy fellow with Physicians for a National Health Program.

http://www.canada.com/calgary/calgaryherald/index.html

August 08, 2005

U.S. health care system is unfair and inefficient

By Arthur Richter
August 4, 2005

The recent “my view” charging that adopting universal health care will bankrupt America (July 6) cannot go unanswered. Our existing privatized health care delivery system is experiencing continued escalation of premiums and cost shifting by providers and employers. We expend twice as much per capita as other industrialized countries, with poorer health outcomes, such as life expectancies and infant mortality.

Health premiums are escalating at a faster rate than health- care costs, therein benefiting the insurance industry to the extent that it is able through its lobbying and campaign contributions, to expend, at a national and state level, hundreds of millions of dollars in buying or renting some of our legislators. And its largesse is not limited to any one political party. The recently enacted Medicare Modernization Act is a blatant example of the power of the insurance and pharmaceutical lobbies in their effort to privatize our Medicare system.

In the past, Medicare was able to deliver its services with a less than 3 percent overhead, as compared to our “free market” for profit system with its overhead of 15 to 30 percent. In passing the legislation in a most dubious fashion and claiming at the time of passage that it would cost less than $400 billion over 10 years, its now estimated to cost over $800 billion and now with the intention of passing the cost of this “benefit” to the states.

Any federal legislator who voted for this legislation clearly does not deserve reelection. A simple search of the campaign contributions made to these legislators will explain their votes.

Comparing the Canadian system to ours is valid, and that their system has some shortcomings is acknowledged. These shortcomings are addressed in the Romanov report, issued in 2003, with the recommendation to increase its health care expenditures to mitigate the wait times that some of its residents have experienced. However, even with some of their systemic warts, Canadian citizens experience life spans 2˝ years longer than U.S. residents and they expend half as much per capita.

Our systemic shortfalls are gigantic and, compared to their “warts,” we may well call our system “cancerous.” We have 45 million uninsured and an equally large number underinsured. We have family and friends who are the users and beneficiaries of the Canadian system, and they are well aware of our system and they turn thumbs down on what we have here.

We would do well to implement a “Medicare for all” system and curb the parasitic insurance and drug industries and their corrupting influence and rid ourselves of those “compliant” legislators. We have the technology and the resources, but our health delivery system is exploited, distorted, unfair and very inefficient. Let’s wise up.

Arthur Richter is co-chairman of Citizens for Universal Healthcare, in Kingston.

August 04, 2005

Activists call for giving Medicare coverage to all

Event marks 40th birthday of program
By Adam Sichko
asichko@courier-journal.com
The Courier-Journal (Louisville, KY)
Saturday, July 30, 2005

Fifteen people gathered outside the Mazzoli Federal Building yesterday to sing “Happy Birthday” to Medicare and call on Kentucky’s congressional delegation to support broader Medicare coverage.

The celebration, complete with birthday cards and three birthday cakes, marked the 40th anniversary of the federal health-care insurance program for people age 65 and over, and for the disabled.

The Louisville event was also intended to draw attention to the need for a health-care system that serves Americans of all ages, said Kay Tillow, a coordinator for Kentuckians for Single Payer Health Care.

“We celebrate 40 years of progress,” Tillow said.

“The progress was that we covered everyone — everybody (over 65) in and nobody out,” she said. “This is a proposal to extend Medicare to everyone.”

U.S. Rep. John Conyers Jr., D-Mich., has introduced House Bill 676, which would expand Medicare to include all Americans. Tillow called on Kentucky’s Anne Northup, R-3rd District, to co-sponsor the bill, and on Republican Sens. Mitch McConnell and Jim Bunning to sponsor similar legislation in their chamber.

Northup issued a statement saying, “I am totally opposed to a nationalized health care system because it would bankrupt the country and lower the quality of care, all at the same time.”

Bunning said, “Over the last 40 years, Medicare has benefited our seniors and the disabled, and last year we were able to improve it by adding a new and affordable prescription drug benefit.”

McConnell did not respond yesterday.

During the celebration, Tillow said: “For every working American, health care is a problem. For many of us, the coverage is inadequate. We risk losing it because the costs are rising so fast.”

Now is the time for politicians on all levels to support widespread health care, said Dr. Edgar Lopez, a member of Physicians for a National Health Program.

Lopez called for health-care coverage for everyone, “no matter how much money’s in their pockets.” Right now, he said, “CEOs and health insurance agencies are laughing their way to the bank.”

After the event, participants delivered Medicare birthday cards and informational packets to the district offices of Northup, McConnell and Bunning, Tillow said.

August 01, 2005

Letter on Canadian Health System Stewardship (unpublished)

Letters Editor
Calgary Herald

Re: “Opening access to health care choices is a moral duty,” Ralph Klein, Opinion, July 30

Premier Klein states that “all the money in the world” is not going to eliminate waiting lists, unless the source of the funds is private instead of public. What nonsense. An MRI machine or surgical bed is no different whether paid for by private or public dollars.

Excessive queues are eliminated by making minor, selective adjustments in the capacity of the system. Compared to the global costs of establishing and maintaining a health care system, the costs of these adjustments are negligible.

Responsible stewards of any health care system, whether public or private, will make these appropriate adjustments. The difference is that the public system would be adapted to accommodate everyone, whereas private systems accommodate only those with the ability to pay.

By failing to tweak the capacity of the system, Premier Klein has confirmed that he is an irresponsible steward of Alberta’s public system. He should consider resigning so that he could accept a position as a health care executive in the United States. Our grand experiment with his preferred private system has demonstrated that we are capable of spending almost $2 trillion without allowing the 45 million uninsured to have any position in the queue.

All systems ration care. Excessive rationing due to limited capacity is very easily remedied. Rationing by ability to pay, in contrast, results in suffering and death. We know which model of rationing Premier Klein prefers, but which model do Albertans really prefer?

Don R. McCanne, M.D.
Senior Health Policy Fellow
Physicians for a National Health Program

Single-payer health insurance is gaining traction

By Ronnie Cohen
Pacific Sun (Mill Valley, CA)
April 22-28, 2005
Vol. 43, Iss. 16, p10

Abstract

“The momentum is building, and it’s really exciting to finally see that there’s a serious look at single-payer universal healthcare,” says Marin County supervisor Susan Adams. A longtime universal healthcare advocate and a nurse practitioner with a doctorate in nursing, Adams will participate in the Now forum. Other participants include Tom Peters, Marin Community foundation president; Esther Wanning of Health Care for All; and Dr. Sheldon Whitten-Vile, medical director of Marin County Community Mental Health Services.

“The association does not feel that the common approaches to single payer are the right solution,” says Dr. Michael Sexton, a Novato doctor who works for Kaiser, speaking as president of the state medical association. “There are tremendous problems with government run systems.”

Whitten-Vile views the medical community’s fears about universal healthcare as largely unfounded and generational. He says older doctors see the government as an intrusion into their private practices. “They fail to see how much more intrusive insurance companies have become,” he says. “With public control over healthcare financing, we can create a different model. It’s hard for people to even envision having control over this issue. We are so used to surrendering control to the market and for-profit insurance companies.”

Full Text

Not long ago, single-payer health insurance seemed like nothing more than a pipe dream for left-of-liberal politicos. But increasing frustration among both consumers and healthcare workers with the existing system - together with spiraling costs, a growing number of uninsured and millions of bankruptcies related to insufficient insurance - has elevated a single-payer system to a possible reality. Proposed state legislation called the California Healthcare Insurance Reliability Act would replace private health insurance plans with one publicly funded plan. The act would extend coverage to millions of uninsured Californians while retaining the existing private healthcare-delivery system.

The bill’s main architect, former bedside nurse Judy Spelman of Inverness, believes the state Legislature could adopt a single-payer plan to cover all Californians by next year. Spelman will join other single-payer healthcare advocates in a forum on the subject, sponsored by the National Organization of Women (NOW), at 7pm Friday, April 29, at the College of Marin.

“The momentum is building, and it’s really exciting to finally see that there’s a serious look at single-payer universal healthcare,” says Marin County supervisor Susan Adams. A longtime universal healthcare advocate and a nurse practitioner with a doctorate in nursing, Adams will participate in the Now forum. Other participants include Tom Peters, Marin Community foundation president; Esther Wanning of Health Care for All; and Dr. Sheldon Whitten-Vile, medical director of Marin County Community Mental Health Services.

Spelman wrote the single-payer bill for state Senator Sheila Kuehl, D-Santa Monica. Details of the plan remain in flux, Spelman says. She says a state agency might administer the program, or a public-private partnership might do the job. In any event, consumers would remain free to choose their doctors, and healthcare workers would continue to work independently of the government.

“It’s not a socialized medicine system,” Spelman says. In that regard, the system would more closely resemble Canada’s than England’s.

While some physicians are so sick of the existing system that they support a single-payer setup, the California Medical Association, the state’s voice for doctors, opposes single-payer healthcare.

“The association does not feel that the common approaches to single payer are the right solution,” says Dr. Michael Sexton, a Novato doctor who works for Kaiser, speaking as president of the state medical association. “There are tremendous problems with government run systems.”

Under a single-payer system, consumers would be taxed for healthcare in proportion to their incomes, and employers would pay in proportion to their worker’s wages. Advocates say most Californians would pay less for healthcare under a single-payer system than they currently pay. Moreover, a study by the Lewin Group, a Virginia consulting firm, shows that universal coverage would reduce health spending in California by about $8 billion in just the first year of a single-payer system. The savings would come from slashed administrative costs and bulk purchasing of prescription drugs and medical equipment, according to the Lewin Group.

The Lewin Group projects billion of dollars in annual savings, although health coverage would extend to millions who are currently uninsured and would include more care. The proposal includes all hospital care and doctor visits, full prescription-drug, dental and vision coverage with no co-payments and no deductibles.

Dr. Whitten-Vile says he supports single-payer healthcare “because it is the most rational approach to healthcare financing.”

“We spend more than twice as much as every other country in the world, and we have 48 million uninsured,” says the county’s medical director for mental health services. “There is no reason to have a parasitic middle-man health insurance company between consumers and healthcare providers. Our system is broken, and there is a good fix.”

Whitten-Vile views the medical community’s fears about universal healthcare as largely unfounded and generational. He says older doctors see the government as an intrusion into their private practices. “They fail to see how much more intrusive insurance companies have become,” he says. “With public control over healthcare financing, we can create a different model. It’s hard for people to even envision having control over this issue. We are so used to surrendering control to the market and for-profit insurance companies.”

Sexton says he fears a single-payer system inevitably would lead to shortfalls, which would leave legislators to choose between increasing taxes or cutting benefits. Sexton predicts the powers that be in Sacramento would refuse to raise taxes and would cut benefits.

“The California Medical Association in no way is supporting the status quo,” Sexton says. “We feel the abuses of the for-profit managed-care industry are egregious. It’s our belief that the issue of limited access to care and the increasing number of uninsured is at a level that can’t be tolerated.

But, in Sexton’s opinion: “The single-payer approach with the government being in charge simply does not work.”

The California Medical Association is working on putting together proposed legislation that would mandate people buy health insurance, like drivers must buy vehicle insurance. Assemblymen Joe Nation, D-San Rafael, and Keith Richman, R-Northridge, have proposed a bill that would make it illegal for Californians to be without health insurance.

Spelman sees the Nation-Richman bill as another Band-Aid on a wound needing major surgery. “The healthcare system is in die straits,” she says. “The need for some kind of a change is widely recognized. There are going to be problems with every big system.

Government systems do have problems. But let’s keep our eyes on the prize.”

Copyright Pacific Sun Publishing Co., Inc.

Insurer and doctors wage e-combat

By Rob Christensen, Staff Writer
The News and Observer
Published: Jul 24, 2005

It is an unusual marriage: The doctors and the Deaniac. But the docs — with the help of one of former presidential candidate Howard Dean’s computer gurus — have been conducting an aggressive, in-your-face lobbying/ public relations campaign unlike anything seen before in North Carolina.

Call it e-lobbying or e-attack ads.

The executives in the glass corporate headquarters of Blue Cross and Blue Shield of North Carolina in Chapel Hill must feel as if they are under siege.

Every few days, the docs send out thousands of e-mail messages across the state that try to make North Carolina’s largest insurer look greedy. Some of the messages end up in newsrooms.

One disclosed that Blue Cross had spent $478,000 to entertain at the U.S. Open in Pinehurst last month. Another reported that Blue Cross had spent $600,000 to send executives and sales agents to a meeting on the Caribbean island of St. Kitts last winter.

Blue Cross is not amused. This month the insurer went to court to try to stop the attacks. The company sued the docs’ political committee, saying it had illegally obtained internal documents about Blue Cross’ U.S Open spending — a charge the docs deny.

The tone of the e-wars is that of a street brawl — an effort to be entertaining enough so people will read them. The docs are calling their fight “a death match.” On Thursday the docs sent out e-mail boasting they filed a legal notice to depose Bob Greczyn, the Blue Cross CEO. Taunting Blue Cross, the message asked: “Can you imagine one moment of absolute silence, followed by an enraged howl?”

The ruckus started in 2002 when an informal alliance of physicians, joined by a few pharmacists, hired the two top political guns in North Carolina, Democrat Gary Pearce and Republican Carter Wrenn, former strategists for Jim Hunt and Jesse Helms, respectively.

The docs wanted to stop Blue Cross from converting into a for-profit company, arguing that it would give the company an unwarranted windfall. As Pearce and Wrenn tell it, Blue Cross had the inside game in the General Assembly locked up — hiring the big lobbyists and PR firms and plastering the building with political donations.

So the docs, forming a political committee called ProCare, were forced to conduct an outsider campaign — helping shift public opinion against the big insurance company through advertising and the Internet.

Pearce recruited Matthew Gross, Dean’s campaign Web master, who helped raise $25 million online for the former Vermont governor and has moved to Greensboro. Gross helped reinvent presidential campaign fund raising. Now he is trying to re-imagine lobbying. He created ProCare’s blog and e-lobbying effort.

“It’s like old-fashioned grass-roots politics,” Pearce said, “but instead you are linked together instantaneously.”

Wrenn argues that hiring connected lobbyists is a 20th-century way to influence policy in Raleigh. Hiring political consultants and Web masters is the 21st-century method.

“The trend going on here is old-style lobbying is going to die out over time,” Wrenn said. “All lobbying is going to become public advocacy on issues. The Internet makes it incredibly effective and inexpensive.”

Rob Christensen can be reached at 829-4532 or robc@newsobserver.com.

French Family Values

By Paul Krugman
July 29, 2005

Americans tend to believe that we do everything better than anyone else. That belief makes it hard for us to learn from others. For example, I’ve found that many people refuse to believe that Europe has anything to teach us about health care policy. After all, they say, how can Europeans be good at health care when their economies are such failures?

Now, there’s no reason a country can’t have both an excellent health care system and a troubled economy (or vice versa). But are European economies really doing that badly?

The answer is no. Americans are doing a lot of strutting these days, but a head-to-head comparison between the economies of the United States and Europe - France, in particular - shows that the big difference is in priorities, not performance. We’re talking about two highly productive societies that have made a different tradeoff between work and family time. And there’s a lot to be said for the French choice.

First things first: given all the bad-mouthing the French receive, you may be surprised that I describe their society as “productive.” Yet according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, productivity in France - G.D.P. per hour worked - is actually a bit higher than in the United States.

It’s true that France’s G.D.P. per person is well below that of the United States. But that’s because French workers spend more time with their families.

O.K., I‘m oversimplifying a bit. There are several reasons why the French put in fewer hours of work per capita than we do. One is that some of the French would like to work, but can’t: France’s unemployment rate, which tends to run about four percentage points higher than the U.S. rate, is a real problem. Another is that many French citizens retire early. But the main story is that full-time French workers work shorter weeks and take more vacations than full-time American workers.

The point is that to the extent that the French have less income than we do, it’s mainly a matter of choice. And to see the consequences of that choice, let’s ask how the situation of a typical middle-class family in France compares with that of its American counterpart.

The French family, without question, has lower disposable income. This translates into lower personal consumption: a smaller car, a smaller house, less eating out.

But there are compensations for this lower level of consumption. Because French schools are good across the country, the French family doesn’t have to worry as much about getting its children into a good school district. Nor does the French family, with guaranteed access to excellent health care, have to worry about losing health insurance or being driven into bankruptcy by medical bills.

Perhaps even more important, however, the members of that French family are compensated for their lower income with much more time together. Fully employed French workers average about seven weeks of paid vacation a year. In America, that figure is less than four.

So which society has made the better choice?

I’ve been looking at a new study of international differences in working hours by Alberto Alesina and Edward Glaeser, at Harvard, and Bruce Sacerdote, at Dartmouth. The study’s main point is that differences in government regulations, rather than culture (or taxes), explain why Europeans work less than Americans.

But the study also suggests that in this case, government regulations actually allow people to make a desirable tradeoff - to modestly lower income in return for more time with friends and family - the kind of deal an individual would find hard to negotiate. The authors write: “It is hard to obtain more vacation for yourself from your employer and even harder, if you do, to coordinate with all your friends to get the same deal and go on vacation together.”

And they even offer some statistical evidence that working fewer hours makes Europeans happier, despite the loss of potential income.

It’s not a definitive result, and as they note, the whole subject is “politically charged.” But let me make an observation: some of that political charge seems to have the wrong sign.

American conservatives despise European welfare states like France. Yet many of them stress the importance of “family values.” And whatever else you may say about French economic policies, they seem extremely supportive of the family as an institution. Senator Rick Santorum, are you reading this?

E-mail: krugman@nytimes.com

Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company