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Latest News

Recent Articles of Interest

Medicare for All Is an Electoral Winner

Posted April 9, 2026

By Jared Abbott
Jacobin, April 9, 2026

Medicare for All (M4A) is back. Juliana Stratton, who just won the Illinois Democratic Senate primary, pledged in her victory speech to “fight for Medicare for all.” Graham Platner, the populist veteran and oyster farmer running to unseat Susan Collins in Maine, has made universal health care a centerpiece of his platform. Abdul El-Sayed, running for Michigan’s open Senate seat, is one of the policy’s most prominent champions — he literally wrote the book on it. In California, single-payer has become a near-universal fixture of Democratic gubernatorial platforms, with Katie Porter, Tony Thurmond, Betty Yee, and Xavier Becerra all declaring support. And Rep. Pramila Jayapal has been presenting polling directly to House Democratic colleagues arguing the electoral merits of Medicare for All, even in battleground districts the party must win to flip the House.

But whether M4A is a winning issue or an electoral liability for progressives depends — particularly for those running in red and purple districts — on how the issue is framed to voters.

Polling data makes the framing problem clear. Depending on how you ask, Americans’ support for universal health coverage lands at anywhere between nearly 70 percent to just over 30 percent. When the question leads with outcomes, coverage, access, and affordability, large majorities say yes. Indeed, when you poll Americans on whether the federal government should make sure everyone has health care coverage, 66 percent say yes.

But how you talk about the mechanism government should use to guarantee universal coverage has an enormous impact on how favorably the idea is received.

Simply asking Americans if they favor or oppose Medicare for All tends to land between 55 and 60 percent support. Tell people that the plan would require voters or employers to pay more in taxes, and support drops into the 40s. Further highlight that a M4A model could entail a single national health care system that would not allow people to buy private insurance, and support declines to the 30s.

That swing is not a verdict on the policy idea itself. It is a warning about framing: When M4A sounds like a government handout or restraint on individuals’ freedom to choose, working-class voters tune out. When it sounds like something they’ve paid for, something they’ve earned and deserve, they don’t.

Working-class voters are not opposed to bold health policy. What our research at the Center for Working-Class Politics (CWCP) finds consistently, however, is that they are skeptical of programs that feel like government handouts rather than something they’ve earned.

Consider that Social Security regularly sits at 80 percent support or higher, despite the fact that it is a massive government redistribution program to help the elderly and those who can’t work. Workers don’t experience it that way. To them, it’s a program they’ve paid into, a benefit they’ve earned — it’s a return on decades of contributions. The moment a health care policy sounds like something the government is giving to people, rather than something people have already paid for and deserve, you’ve lost the working-class voters you need most.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt understood this well. He built Social Security’s contributory payroll structure specifically so workers would feel they had earned their benefits — even though, in reality, current workers’ taxes fund current retirees’ Social Security checks — because, as he put it, no politician would ever be able to take away something people felt they had paid for.

M4A advocates need to put this logic at the center of their messaging if they hope to sell the policy effectively to working-class voters. And there’s no reason not to, since, like Social Security, all working people contribute payroll taxes to help fund Medicare, and that would remain true if it was expanded to all Americans who want it. To build majoritarian support, M4A advocates should hit the following notes.

1) Tie coverage to work and contribution, not government generosity.

The winning frame for M4A is not “The government will cover you” but rather “You’ve worked your whole life, paid into the system, and played by the rules. . . . You deserve coverage without going broke.” The first message emphasizes a benefit the government provides, while the other frames the benefit as something workers have already earned. The first triggers skepticism about unearned redistribution; the second triggers the same durable support that has protected Social Security for ninety years. “You’ve worked hard to provide for your family. You shouldn’t have to choose between paying rent and seeing a doctor” is a working-class health care message. “Medicare for All will cover every American” is not.

2) Make the insurance industry the villain; don’t try to make government the hero.

Health care is a particularly promising terrain for economic populism because the villains are so concrete and the harm they cause is so visceral. Insurance company executives, pharmaceutical profits, prior authorizations, surprise bills, and medical debt are not abstractions. Working-class voters respond powerfully to messages that identify a specific, named villain who is ripping them off.

This matters especially because one of the most potent attacks on M4A is about freedom of choice. Opponents argue that a single-payer system strips workers of choice: the choice to keep their plan, their doctor, their options. That attack lands because working-class voters are genuinely skeptical of arrangements that feel like they’re being told what to do by government bureaucrats in Washington whom they don’t trust.

To reach working-class voters, M4A advocates should focus on who is actually doing the restricting. Right now, it is insurance executives — not the government — who decide what care you can get, which doctors you can see, and whether your claim gets approved. Prior authorization is not freedom. A surprise bill is not freedom. Medical debt that follows you for a decade is not freedom.

The winning contrast is not “government-run” versus “private insurance.” It is “a system where insurance executives decide what care you deserve” versus “a system where you never have to choose between your health and your financial survival.” That reframe does two things at once: it turns the freedom argument against the opposition and activates populist resentment toward a concrete economic villain.

3) Expand — don’t replace.

Workers are far more comfortable with policies framed as expansions of existing, trusted programs than as new government programs. For instance, a policy limited to expanding Medicare to cover vision, dental, and hearing receives over 90 percent support among Americans. Maintaining or increasing federal spending on Medicaid stands at 82 percent support, Medicare drug negotiation at 85 percent, and lowering prescription costs at 87 percent. Revisions or expansions of existing health care systems in these ways are consensus items. Similarly, with M4A, “expanded, universal form of Medicare-for-all” gets 58 percent support versus 43 percent for a framing that explicitly eliminates private insurance. Candidates for M4A should lead with: “Expand Medicare to cover everyone, the same program seniors already trust.”

4) Lead with medical costs and debt, not program details.

Medical debt is a kitchen-table crisis for working-class voters across the United States, and one that, for the vast majority, was not caused by laziness or bad decisions but by an insurance system that denied a claim, buried a deductible, or sent a bill nobody saw coming. That origin story matters, because it connects the costs workers are already paying to the corporate interests profiting from them. The strongest M4A message doesn’t lead with how the insurance system would be restructured or the role the government would play in a future system. It says: “No more medical debt. No more surprise bills. No more asking permission from a claims adjuster before you can see a specialist.” That message doesn’t mention the government once. It meets workers where they actually are, and it names the people who put them there.

None of this means softening the goal of M4A. It means understanding the difference between policy ambition and policy language, and recognizing that working-class voters have been tuning out the latter for years without abandoning the former. The candidates who win on health care in 2026 and beyond won’t be the ones who make the most technically sophisticated case for single-payer, or those who declare that health care is a human right. They’ll be the ones who make insurance companies the villain, talk about the ludicrous medical debt carried by American workers as the economic emergency it is, frame universal coverage as increasing rather than decreasing personal freedom, and pitch the program as the return on a lifetime of hard work rather than a new government program.

Democrats who remain scared of Medicare for All are not wrong to worry. The polling record is full of cautionary tales about what happens when this issue gets away from you. But the lesson of that record is not that the policy is too bold. It’s that the framing has too often been handed to the other side. Get it back. Lead with what working people have earned, name the industry that’s been robbing them, and make medical debt and financial insecurity the emotional center of the message.

Medicare for All can be popular, but only if advocates tap into core working-class values to sell it.

Jared Abbott is a researcher at the Center for Working-Class Politics and a contributor to “Jacobin” and “Catalyst: A Journal of Theory and Strategy.”

https://jacobin.com…

‘Harmed by the system’ — Physicians suffer moral injury when health care chases profits, not patient care, report says

Posted March 24, 2026

By Richard Payerchin (fact checked by Keith A. Reynolds and AC Baltz)
Medical Economics, March 24, 2026

Key Takeaways

  • Nearly half of physicians report insufficient time for optimal care, and over one-third face patient loads they view as unsafe, underscoring operational constraints with direct clinical quality implications.
  • Many clinicians recommend evidence-based interventions despite anticipating access failures from insurer utilization management, systemic barriers or patient cost exposure, fostering repeated ethical distress.
  • Moral injury is differentiated from burnout by etiology and phenotype, emphasizing guilt, shame and loss of meaning arising from externally imposed constraints rather than individual coping deficits.
  • A substantial minority are considering leaving their jobs, suggesting workforce destabilization linked to persistent financial and administrative pressures that undermine professional obligations.
  • Single-payer universal coverage is positioned as the principal corrective, though interpretation is tempered by nonrandom sampling through advocacy networks and potential underrepresentation of departed clinicians.

It’s not just burnout when patient numbers increase but doctors are not allowed adequate time and treatments for them.


The pursuit of profit, not patient health, is causing alarming levels of moral injury to physicians who want to treat patients but instead must deal with systemic constraints across U.S. health care, according to results of a new study.

Anti-burnout initiatives, such as wellness programs and resilience training, have helped some physicians cope with workplace stressors. But they don’t change the course of “health care financialization,” in which health systems and insurers prioritize income over patients’ and physicians’ health interests. Those programs also don’t address the moral injury that physicians feel when they want to guide patients toward better health but can’t due to insurance restrictions or systemic racism, according to Physicians for a National Health Program (PNHP).

“Our research shows that the system is failing both physicians and patients,” PNHP President Diljeet K. Singh, M.D., Dr.Ph., said in a news release. “Doctors enter medicine to care for people, but are increasingly forced to navigate barriers that delay or deny treatment to generate profit. When clinical judgment is overridden by financial priorities, patient care suffers.”

What the findings say

“Moral Injury in Medicine: The Human Costs of Practicing in a Profit-Driven System” is the new PNHP report based on two years of research among doctors and patients, including surveys and interviews with 1,207 physicians. The findings are grim, though perhaps not entirely unexpected for physicians fed up when the emphasis on making money supersedes needed patient care.

Among the key findings:

  • 47% of surveyed physicians say they often or always lack enough time to provide optimal levels of care to their patients
  • 35% say they are required to care for more patients than they can safely manage
  • 44% say they often recommend treatments they know their patients will not be able to access because of systemic barriers, insurer practices or financial costs
  • 41% report often feeling complicit in structural racism perpetuated by the health care system in which they work
  • 35% say administrative and insurer pressures to reduce costs affect their ability to provide the best possible care
  • 25% say they are considering leaving their job due to this distress

The report was funded by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, a national nonprofit devoted to improving health care and health equity.

“Across the country, physicians and patients are navigating a health care system increasingly shaped by the pursuit of profit rather than health,” Kelsy McIntosh, MPH, program associate at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, said in the news release. “Physicians want to deliver high-quality, evidence-based care that aligns with their values and expertise, but too often encounter barriers designed to generate profits. Shining a light on systemic pressures can support designing systems that prioritize patient health over corporate profit.”

What to do next?

The report stops short of prescribing incremental fixes, arguing that the health care industry has repeatedly demonstrated an ability to circumvent or undermine regulatory reforms. Its primary structural recommendation is the implementation of a publicly financed, single-payer universal health care program, a position consistent with the name and organizational mission of PNHP.

The report acknowledges this advocacy context as a study limitation, noting that its survey was distributed through non-random, non-probability-based sampling that included the organization’s own membership networks, which may have attracted physicians who already share its policy views.

PNHP cites factors in Oregon, a state that “has experienced rampant financialization of health care systems, with several high-profile health care buyouts by large corporate entities.” Among the players: Amazon; OneMedical, a membership-based primary care chain of five clinics; and UnitedHealth Group subsidiary Optum, which has an aggressive ownership and growth plan there.

Oregon also has enacted some of the nation’s strictest controls on corporate practice of medicine, and has been edging closer to establishing universal health care at the state level, the PNHP report said.

PNHP notes that the particulars of geography, specialty and practice setting may not be representative across the country. The sample of doctors may underrepresent those who have already left clinical practice, the report said.

Moral injury in health care

PNHP uses the term moral injury, which is borrowed from military psychiatry to describe the psychological harm that occurs when a person is forced to act against their deeply held values.

“Physician moral injury arises when physicians are prevented from delivering evidence-based, optimal patient care due to systemic constraints beyond their control — particularly those imposed by profit-driven goals of the health care industry,” the report said, citing the work of researchers Wendy Dean, M.D., and Simon Talbot, M.D., who first applied the moral injury framework to medicine in 2018.

The report argues that framing physician distress as burnout rather than moral injury has led to ineffective interventions and allowed underlying system failures to go unaddressed. PNHP distinguishes the two conditions on both cause and symptom. Burnout manifests as exhaustion, depersonalization, and diminished personal accomplishment. Moral injury produces guilt, shame, loss of meaning and erosion of professional identity. It stems not from overwork but from being systematically prevented from fulfilling one’s professional obligations.

Standard burnout frameworks locate the problem within the individual physician and prescribe individual-level fixes such as resilience training, mindfulness, reduced duty hours and wellness programs. These approaches, the report argues, have consistently failed to slow physician attrition precisely because they treat a systemic problem as a personal one.

“There’s no amount of yoga that will make me less distressed about how my patients are harmed,” one family medicine physician said in an interview quoted in the report. “My staff is harmed. I’m harmed by this system.”

https://medicaleconomics.com…

47% of physicians say employer puts profits over patients: Study

Posted March 19, 2026

By Patsy Newitt
Becker’s ASC Review, March 19, 2026

Physicians across the United States are experiencing a deepening crisis of moral injury, and they believe profit-driven healthcare systems increasingly block them from delivering the care their patients need, according to a sweeping new study by Physicians for a National Health Program, an advocacy organization of more than 20,000 physicians, medical students and health professionals who support a universal, single-payer national health program.

The March 17 report, which surveyed more than 1,200 practicing physicians and included focus groups, found that nearly half of physicians often or always feel unable to provide their patients with the best possible care, with two-thirds reporting moderate or severe distress as a result.

The study draws a sharp distinction between burnout — which implies individual depletion and is typically addressed through wellness initiatives — and moral injury, which the authors define as the distress physicians experience when they know what their patients need but cannot provide it due to constraints outside their control.

Physicians in the study were pointed in their rejection of burnout framing; as one family medicine physician said, “When we talk about burnout, it makes it sound like it’s my fault or my colleagues’ fault. The term points to the person being affected. It’s a form of victim shaming.” Notably, 40% of surveyed physicians often or always felt frustrated by the wellness activities their employers offered, saying they simply didn’t help.

The survey was distributed through a non-random, multi-modal recruitment approach using PNHP’s professional networks, medical societies including the Society of General Internal Medicine and the American College of Physicians, listservs, social media, and snowball sampling. It adapted eight items from the validated Measure of Moral Distress for Health Care Professionals and added 14 new questions capturing system-level pressures, financial constraints and administrative burdens. The mean overall moral distress score was 143, compared to 96 in the 2019 benchmark study, suggesting a significant worsening over time. For 18 of 22 survey questions, the most common distress rating was “very distressing,” the maximum level possible.

Here are 10 key things to know from the survey:

1. Forty-seven percent of surveyed physicians indicated their employer often or always prioritized financial goals over best patient care, and 50% felt betrayed by a healthcare system that hindered their ability to provide good care.

2. Additionally, 62% experienced moderate to severe distress over cost-cutting pressures from administrators or insurers.

3. Of the surveyed physicians, 45% often or always felt unable to provide patients with the best possible care, and 68% experienced moderate or severe distress as a result. An additional 47% often or always felt unable to provide optimal care simply due to inadequate time.

4. Forty-four percent of physicians often or always felt that lack of insurance approval blocked medically necessary services, and 51% often or always experienced excessive documentation requirements that compromised patient care.

5. Of the surveyed physicians, 35% often or always felt required to care for more patients than they could safely handle, and 43% often or always felt required to overemphasize productivity metrics at the expense of patient care.

6. Forty-five percent often or always encountered lack of resources or bed capacity that compromised care, and 43% said leadership often or always failed to respond supportively when such failures occurred. Three in 5 physicians experienced moderate or severe distress contemplating these situations.

7. The mean overall moral distress score was 143, compared to 96 in the 2019 benchmark study, suggesting a significant worsening. For 18 of 22 survey questions, the most common distress rating was “very distressing,” the maximum level.

8. On attrition, 27% of physicians had already left a position due to moral distress, 25% are currently considering leaving for the same reason and 42% had previously considered leaving but chose to stay. The workforce consequences are tangible: physician departures have contributed to clinic closures, elimination of services, and dramatically longer patient wait times.

9. Fifty-seven percent of physicians reported moderate or severe distress from working in systems that failed to treat vulnerable patients with dignity, and 41% often or always felt complicit in the structural racism their systems perpetuated. Physicians described patterns of race-based misdiagnosis, discriminatory care based on insurance status, and the rationing of life-sustaining treatment for uninsured and undocumented patients.

10. Nearly half of practicing physicians reported often or always making diagnostic or treatment recommendations they knew their patients would not be able to pursue, due either to insurance barriers or financial toxicity, and for 7 in 10 of those physicians, this provoked moderate or severe distress.

https://beckersasc.com…

Recent Members in the news

Dr. Ed Weisbart on MeidasTouch

Posted January 23, 2026

This article includes video

PNHP national board secretary Dr. Ed Weisbart spoke to the MediasTouch podcast on Jan. 23, 2026. He discussed the looming threats of Medicaid cuts and ACA premium increases—along with the urgent need for Medicare for All.

“It drives us crazy to know that the only reason people in this country can’t afford to get the lifesaving health care they need is because insurance corporations have put themselves in the middle,” said Dr. Weisbart.

“[They] have corrupted our democracy, and are finding every gain they can make to turn a profit.”

Dr. Claudia Fegan U.S. Senate testimony

Posted December 3, 2025

This article includes video

PNHP national coordinator Dr. Claudia Fegan testified before the U.S. Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions on December 3, 2025. The topic of the hearing was “Making Health Care Affordable Again: Healing a Broken System.”

“The U.S. health care system does not work,” said Dr. Fegan. “It does not meet the needs of the American people.”

“An expanded Medicare for All system would solve many of our problems related to the cost of health care,” she continued. “We could have high-quality, trustworthy, universal health care that is free from profit-driven conflicts of interest and delivers better health outcomes for Americans.”


full hearing: https://help.senate.gov…

Dr. Diljeet Singh on NBC 4 Washington

Posted November 3, 2025

This article includes video

PNHP president Dr. Diljeet Singh and immediate past president Dr. Phil Verhoef spoke to NBC 4 Washington for a news segment that was posted on November 3, 2025.

“Tens of thousands of people die every year because they do not have health insurance,” said Dr. Singh, who was leading a march and rally at the U.S. Capitol as part of PNHP’s first ever Advocacy Day in Washington, D.C.

Recent Quote of the Day

John Geyman: The Medical-Industrial Complex…plus exciting changes at qotd

Posted April 28, 2021

“America’s Mighty Medical-Industrial Complex: Negative Impacts and Positive Solutions”

By John Geyman

This book has three goals: (1) to bring an historical perspective to how medicine and health care have evolved over the last 100 years, including the transformation of their original ethic of service with a moral purpose and how that ethic has been compromised by corporate greed; (2) to describe where an engulfing medical-industrial complex has brought us in terms of decreasing access to affordable health care, unacceptable quality of care, profiteering and fraud; and (3) to consider whether and how our unsustainable health care system can be brought into line against this deepening crisis in serving the needs of our people.

Copernicus Healthcare: http://www.copernicus-healthcare.org

Amazon: https://www.amazon.com…


Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

Most of us want a health care system that has a mission to maintain and improve our health, yet we have a system that has lost its way in that its mission places a priority on advancing the interests of the medical-industrial complex at the cost of compromising our health care. John Geyman explains how we got there and how detrimental the impact has been. Although the political barriers to reform seem almost insurmountable, he does show us that there is a path to the essential reform that we need to bring health care justice to all. By understanding the source and nature of the dysfunctions, we can find our way out.


Exciting changes at qotd

As some of you may have heard, the interruption in the Quote of the Day messages was due to a TIA/stroke suffered by the author. Fortunately, the recovery has been dramatic, though incomplete. As a result, after two decades of daily commentaries in his retirement years, it is time for a change.

Future messages will be from noted health policy experts within and outside of PNHP. We will be receiving the latest from the best. With this change in format, we will also be changing the name to “Health Justice Monitor.” Launch is planned for next week.

I hope that you are as excited as I am as I become a consumer rather than a producer of the latest in health policy science. The more we understand, the sooner we will have health care justice for all.

Peace,
Don McCanne

Stay informed! Visit www.pnhp.org/qotd to sign up for daily email updates.

Quote of the Day interlude

Posted April 12, 2021

By Don McCanne, M.D.

Quote of the Day will take a brief interlude. We are refining our approach to communicating information to educate and advocate for single payer and health care justice for all.

See you soon.

Stay informed! Visit www.pnhp.org/qotd to sign up for daily email updates.

More trouble: Drug industry consolidation

Posted April 8, 2021

Over 30 years, dramatic consolidation has meant higher prices, fewer treatment options and less incentive to innovate

By Robin Feldman
The Washington Post, April 6, 2021

In the past few decades, three waves of mergers have substantially increased concentration in the pharmaceutical industry.

All told, between 1995 and 2015, the 60 leading pharmaceutical companies merged to only 10.

As a result, now only a handful of manufacturers are responsible for sourcing the vast majority of prescription drugs: Just four companies, for example, produced more than 50 percent of all generic drugs in 2017.

Drug companies were drawn to merging because of the lure of increased market power, improved synergies, larger economies of scale and more diverse product portfolios.

In the period following merger waves one and two, the industry generated fewer new molecular entities each year compared to pre-merger levels. Merged drug companies also spent proportionally less on research than their non-merged competitors.

Consolidation also enabled drugmakers to directly quell competition through what were known as “killer acquisitions,” in which they acquired innovative peers solely to stop potential competition.

In short, consumers were the losers from the two waves of drug company mergers. They confronted higher prices and fewer choices — and saw companies exploring fewer paths that might produce breakthroughs. To make matters worse, around 2010, another wave of mergers began.

As with the earlier waves, giant drug companies have merged. But in a new twist, in recent years, most consolidation has featured bigger players acquiring smaller start-ups. The difference reflects a dramatic shift in the structure of the pharmaceutical industry. Faced with stagnating research productivity, large drugmakers now rely on outsourcing their new drug research to start-ups and other small pharmaceutical firms.

Increasingly, these smaller players specialize in high-risk research and early drug development, with larger firms then gobbling them up and navigating the FDA’s regulatory process. For example, 63 percent of all new molecular entities in 2018 came from smaller biopharma firms, compared with just 31 percent in 2009.

The end result of now three waves of pharmaceutical consolidation is decreased or diverted new drug innovation, fewer treatment options and higher prices. Consumers have lost as firms fuse together to bolster the bottom line.

Robin Feldman is director of the UC Hastings Center for Innovation.

https://www.washingtonpost.com…


Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

Yesterday we discussed consolidation of UnitedHealth/Optum and how it has become a mega-corporation of the medical-industrial complex. Today’s selection discusses consolidation within the pharmaceutical industry. The article describes how we can expect decreased or diverted drug innovation, fewer treatment options, and above all, higher prices. Works for the industry, but not so well for the people.

We’re just trying to introduce single payer Medicare for All. How much impact can that have on these mega-corporations? Where is our government in all of this? Aren’t they supposed to protect us? Maybe we’re aiming too low by advocating for a social insurance program. Maybe we should be taking over the industry so that we can gear it up to better serve us, the people. International comparisons do rate national health services very high in performance. Maybe if we talk about it a little more we can convince them that Medicare for All is a compromise that they can live with. We think we can too.

Stay informed! Visit www.pnhp.org/qotd to sign up for daily email updates.

Recent State Single Payer News

N.Y. Assembly passes universal health care bill

Posted May 28, 2017

By Dan Goldberg
Capital New York, May 27, 2015

The state Assembly on Wednesday voted for a single-payer health bill, the first time in more than two decades the chamber has taken up the measure.

The vote was 89-47, an overwhelming but largely symbolic step toward universal health insurance. The bill now heads to the Republican-controlled Senate where it is not expected to pass.

Assemblyman Richard Gottfried, chair of the health committee, gave an impassioned speech on the floor in support of the New York Health Act, arguing that it was long past time for New Yorkers to rid themselves of the intrusive insurance companies whose goal is to deny claims rather than provide care.

“You do not have to be an Einstein to understand New York Health is the right choice for New York,” Gottfried said.

Gottfried, a Democrat from Manhattan, spent the legislative session barnstorming the state, trying to gain support for his bill, which would be funded through a progressive income tax and payroll assessments. There would be a net savings of $45 billion in health spending by 2019, Gottfried said, based on an analysis from Dr. Gerald Friedman, a professor at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, though that figure was attacked by Republicans.

The bill, Gottfried said, would lower costs by getting rid of insurance companies. It would lower administrative costs and allow doctors to focus their time on treating patients instead of fighting for reimbursements.

“What will bring down health care costs is taking out of the equation the more than 20 percent we now spend on administrators whose job it is to fight with insurance companies,” he said.

The plan’s benefits, Gottfried said, would be more generous than any plan on the current market, and there would be no co-pays or deductibles. The bill would also require a care coordinator for every member, though that coordinator is not empowered to choose the type of care a patient receives.

For some Republicans, it was all too good to be true.

“This bill promises remarkable things for New York State residents,” said Assemblyman Andy Goodell, a Republican from Chautauqua. “It says providers, ‘you’ll be paid a lot more money,’ and it says to the employees ‘you’ll contribute a lot less money,’ and it says to the patients ‘you’ll have much broader access,’ and to the employers ‘you’ll pay $45 billion less.’ My background is in math and economics and I haven’t been able to figure out how this all works. … There is no free lunch, there is no free health care.”

Leslie Moran, spokeswoman for the New York Health Plan Association, which represents insurers, said the bill “represents an unrealistic, utopian view of a universal health care system where everyone would be covered, everything would be covered and the system would magically pay for it all.”

One problem, pointed out by Republicans, is that the offering, while generous, is the opposite of what public health officials are pushing, including those in the Cuomo administration, who have professed that insurance systems, and high deductibles and co-pays help ensure people use the health system judiciously instead of opting for more, often unnecessary, care.

“There is a role for insurance companies,” state health commissioner Dr. Howard Zucker said Wednesday before the debate.

The last time a universal health care bill was on the Assembly floor was 1992. It passed but the debate was sidelined because of federal efforts to reform health care, which ultimately failed under the Clinton administration.

The passing of the Affordable Care Act, which subsidizes private insurance for people below a certain income level, was a valid effort, Gottfried said, but ultimately served to highlight why the system needs to be entirely scrapped.

“I think the A.C.A. has made it clear to people … there are profound problems in our health care system that cannot be addressed by incremental change in that system,” Gottfried said.

Wiping out an industry — even the insurance industry — was not seen as popular by many Republicans who worried about the loss of jobs and what might happen should this plan fail.

Goodell asked why the state should go down this road when when Medicaid — a government run insurance program for lower-income residents — is expensive, burdensome and not well liked.

“Why would we want to expand that type of approach,” he asked.

Gottfried responded that his bill would improve Medicaid by putting everyone into one pot. He would, he said, eliminate the two-tiered system. There’d be no greater risk of fraud under this law than in the current Medicaid program.

Republicans also pointed out how much was left to be done. The income tax rates have yet to be decided, but would likely cost the highest earners more than they currently pay for health insurance, while subsidizing lower income residents.

The analysis provided by Gottfried estimates no income tax on the first $25,000, an income tax of 9 percent on income between $25,0001 and $50,000, graduating to 16 percent tax for income over $200,000.

The legislation is also not specific on how to deal with residents of New York State who retire to another state.

That would have to be resolved at a later date, Gottfried said.

“Though we have numerous pages on this legislation, we have numerous holes also,” said Al Graf, a Republican from Holbrook. “There is no way I can go back to my constituents and tell them you may have coverage in the future. … This is an exercise in insanity.”

Moran said there is no certainty that providers would accept government set reimbursement, though Gottfried said almost all would receive more for their services than they are currently being paid.

The bill also “completely disregards the economic contribution of health plans — both to the state and to local communities,” Moran said.

Joseph Borelli, a Republican from Staten Island, cited Vermont, which tried and failed to enact a single-payer health system.

Vermont’s collapse has been a cautionary tale for even the most enthusiastic supporters of government sponsored health insurance, but Gottfried was having none of it.

“New York … bears no resemblance to Vermont,” Gottfried said. “The bill bears very little resemblance to Vermont. Their financing system is different. The two have absolutely nothing to do with one another, nothing! Why don’t you ask me whether New York will flood Just like Texas flooded if we enact this plan. The weather in Texas has as much to do with this as Vermont does.”

Read the bill here: http://bit.ly/1JVUg1I

http://www.capitalnewyork.com/article/albany/2015/05/8568890/assembly-pa…


N.Y. Assembly votes for universal health coverage

By Michael Virtanen, Associated Press
Democrat & Chronicle (Rochester, N.Y.), May 27, 2015

ALBANY – The New York Assembly voted 89-47 on Wednesday for legislation to establish publicly funded universal health coverage in a so-called single payer system.

All New Yorkers could enroll. Backers said it would extend coverage to the uninsured and reduce rising costs by taking insurance companies and their costs out of the mix.

With no patient premiums, deductibles or co-payments for hospital and doctor visits, testing, drugs or other care, New York Health would pay providers through collectively negotiated rates. It would be funded through a progressive payroll tax paid 80 percent by employers and 20 percent by employees.

Also, waivers would be sought so federal funds now received for New Yorkers in Medicare, Medicaid and Child Health Plus would apply.

“Employers are shifting more and more health care costs to workers or are dropping it entirely,” said Assemblyman Richard Gottfried, chief sponsor. “The only ones who benefit are the insurance companies.”

The Manhattan Democrat estimated universal care would save New Yorkers more than $45 billion annually, cutting the statewide total cost for health care to about $255 billion in 2019.

Assembly Republicans doubted Gottfried’s estimate and questioned what would happen to everyone now employed by insurance companies.

“All I can say right now I think this is the last think New York state needs as far as an additional cost,” said Assemblywoman Jane Corwin, an Erie County Republican. She said they’re still trying to grapple now with the cost of the federal Affordable Care Act. That extended health care coverage to about 1 million New Yorkers, more than half in Medicaid and the others in private insurance with possible tax subsidies to offset costs.

An identical bill hasn’t advanced in the state Senate and isn’t expected to before the legislative session ends in June. Senate Health Committee Chairman Kemp Hannon said Wednesday that Gottfried’s bill faces two major hurdles, resistance from senior citizens to giving up Medicare for a new state program and obtaining federal waivers to apply Medicaid and Medicare funding to support it.

http://www.democratandchronicle.com/story/news/local/2015/05/27/assembly…

Single-Payer Health-Care Bill to be Introduced in Pa.

Posted October 27, 2016

Berks Community Television (Reading, Pa.), Oct. 25, 2015

HARRISBURG, Pa. – A bill to create a single-payer health-care system in Pennsylvania will be introduced in the state Legislature by the end of the month.

The legislation is being introduced by Representative Pamela DeLissio of Philadelphia and was crafted with the assistance of HealthCare 4 ALL PA, a not-for-profit advocacy group. David Steil, past president of that organization, says the bill is simply called the Pennsylvania Health Care Plan.

“What it does is create a health-care system that includes every resident of Pennsylvania, that is publicly funded and privately delivered,” says Steil.

The cost of the program would be covered by increased taxes, which Steil acknowledges may present a significant obstacle to passage by the state Legislature.

The plan would increase the state personal income tax by an additional three percent, substantially less than most pay for private insurance. It would also add a 10 percent payroll tax on businesses which, as Steil points out, is much less than what businesses spend on health insurance now.

“The average cost for health care benefits for companies that provide health care is about 17 percent of payroll,” he says. “So at 10 percent of payroll, the saving is significant.”

Similar legislation has been introduced in each legislative session since 2007.

Most recently it was introduced as Senate Bill S-400. None of the earlier versions have not gotten very far. Raising taxes is a hard sell, especially to conservative lawmakers. But Steil insists they’re asking the wrong question.

“The question each one has to ask is not just ‘look at the taxes’ because there are taxes to it, it’s not free,” he says. “The question is, ‘How much less than you’re currently paying is this plan to you?'”

Steil says the bill would also eliminate health-insurance costs on pension plans and vehicle insurance, making the potential savings even larger.

http://www.bctv.org/special_reports/health/pa-legislature-introduces-sin…

Single-Payer Health-Care Bill to be Introduced in Pa.

Posted October 27, 2015

Berks Community Television (Reading, Pa.), Oct. 25, 2015

HARRISBURG, Pa. – A bill to create a single-payer health-care system in Pennsylvania will be introduced in the state Legislature by the end of the month.

The legislation is being introduced by Representative Pamela DeLissio of Philadelphia and was crafted with the assistance of HealthCare 4 ALL PA, a not-for-profit advocacy group. David Steil, past president of that organization, says the bill is simply called the Pennsylvania Health Care Plan.

“What it does is create a health-care system that includes every resident of Pennsylvania, that is publicly funded and privately delivered,” says Steil.

The cost of the program would be covered by increased taxes, which Steil acknowledges may present a significant obstacle to passage by the state Legislature.

The plan would increase the state personal income tax by an additional three percent, substantially less than most pay for private insurance. It would also add a 10 percent payroll tax on businesses which, as Steil points out, is much less than what businesses spend on health insurance now.

“The average cost for health care benefits for companies that provide health care is about 17 percent of payroll,” he says. “So at 10 percent of payroll, the saving is significant.”

Similar legislation has been introduced in each legislative session since 2007.

Most recently it was introduced as Senate Bill S-400. None of the earlier versions have not gotten very far. Raising taxes is a hard sell, especially to conservative lawmakers. But Steil insists they’re asking the wrong question.

“The question each one has to ask is not just ‘look at the taxes’ because there are taxes to it, it’s not free,” he says. “The question is, ‘How much less than you’re currently paying is this plan to you?'”

Steil says the bill would also eliminate health-insurance costs on pension plans and vehicle insurance, making the potential savings even larger.

http://www.bctv.org/special_reports/health/pa-legislature-introduces-single-payer-health-care-bill/article_a41a6da0-7996-11e5-b8a4-2ba3ba19b536.html

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    • Contact Us
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    • What is Single Payer?
    • How do we pay for it?
    • History of Health Reform
    • Conservative Case for Single Payer
    • FAQs
    • InformaciĂłn en Español
  • Take Action
    • The Medicare for All Act of 2025
    • Moral Injury and Distress
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    • Recruit Colleagues
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    • Sign up for e-alerts
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